Comparative analysis of working time in the European Union
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Annexes
Annex 1 – Methodological issues concerning the categorising of Member States
In order to handle data for the EU27 Member States, many analysts – including the authors of the fourth EWCS report – choose to categorise countries along social welfare lines, following the concepts of Esping-Andersen. These categories can be useful when analysing some issues, but they tend to stereotype countries. They may be less successful at explaining differences in working hours in so far as they understate or distort the importance of other factors, notably average income levels.
As a practical alternative, and in order to avoid simply listing countries in alphabetical or some other arbitrary order, this report sought to place Member States in five broad groups, based on their average levels of annual working hours, which are closely, but far from completely, inversely correlated with average levels of hourly gross domestic product (GDP) (a measure of hourly productivity).
However, the report has also taken a pragmatic approach where it seemed appropriate – for example, in comparing ‘new’ with ‘old’ Member States in certain cases.
With respect to issues of working time flexibility, the report also recognises that some of the traditional country groupings – Nordic versus Mediterranean Member States, for example – do seem to have value. However, the experiences of apparently ‘similar’ countries can sometimes vary significantly, as seen, for example, in major differences in working time arrangements and trends between the two ‘new’ Mediterranean States, Cyprus and Malta, or as shown in the highly varied experiences of the NMS in eastern Europe with respect to working time.
Thus, while a grouping of countries based on economic performance, rather than on cultural or social organisational criteria, obviously skates over the diversity of situations in the different Member States (and was, as mentioned previously, initially chosen for practical reasons), average annual working hours nevertheless are considered a useful general indicator of working time for comparative purposes. Using this indicator, the component elements – weekly hours, holidays, full-time and part-time hours – serve to highlight and explain both the diversity of situations and the evolution of working time patterns across the Member States.
While such a concept – for all workers, or for full-time or part-time workers separately – is not widely used at present, it sits comfortably with the most basic theories of labour market behaviour. For instance, people in low-productivity jobs in low-productivity economies tend to seek to work longer hours than those in high-productivity jobs in high-productivity countries, since it is the most obvious way to achieve higher levels of incomes in the short run.
Likewise, in so far as improvements in levels of income are achieved by raising levels of productivity in some way, then the average number of hours worked is liable to decline over the longer term. This may not necessarily happen in some simple, linear way (and often with compositional changes – such as the growing relative importance of part-time work – that can mislead those who are unwary about where the true trend lies) but nevertheless in ways that make economic sense and are subject to reasonably consistent methods of measurement.
Useful as it may be to approach working time issues in this way, the mixed quantitative and qualitative evidence presented in this report and its annexes clearly indicates that variations in working time experiences and practices between Member States reflect a wide range of factors other than economic factors, such as social, political, cultural and legal aspects. This study does not seek to weigh their relative importance in any formal way, and has tried to avoid resorting to plausible-sounding ad-hoc explanations for all of the cases that fail to conform to ‘expectations’. However, the study includes a considerable amount of national evidence from correspondents which sheds some light on such differences, and may help other researchers develop further comprehensive insights.
In this respect, one issue can be identified where the most significant changes appear to be taking place, but where the differences between countries – notably between those with more or less developed economies and labour markets – are the greatest. This issue relates to the extent to which patterns of working time are arranged or negotiated in ways that can suit the needs of both employees and employers, as opposed to situations where traditional employer ‘prerogatives’ prevail, for whatever reasons.
In this study, at least on the basis of the reports from national correspondents, and the evidence from survey data, there appears to be some validity to some stereotypical categorisations – for example, where employers and legislators (and also possibly some employee representatives) in southern EU Member States are seemingly much slower to respond to pressures for more flexible working arrangements to match changing work–life balance needs than in northern Member States. However, it should be underlined that the diversity of experiences between Member States with similar levels of economic performance, or in similar geographical locations, continually warns against adopting simplistic explanations too readily, or focusing the blame too quickly in any one direction.
Annex 2 – Duration of work: annual working time
| Country | Annual working hours2006 | Developments2000–2006 | Relevance of annual working time in debates and bargaining |
|---|---|---|---|
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |||
| Greece | 2,150 | 1.4% | In Greece, there is no general debate on annual hours, and working time discussions tend to focus primarily on annual leave. This reflects national traditions in that many collective agreements contain provisions relating leave entitlement to years of service with the same employer. |
| Poland | 2,078 (2007 data) | 1.4% | In Poland, the focus of discussion has been on restricting Sunday and holiday working. |
| Hungary | 1,989 | -3.5% | In Hungary, the focus is on specific issues, with a tradition of creating longer holidays by swapping work days and weekend rest days close to public holidays. |
| Czech Republic | 1,963 | -4.5% | In so far as working time has been debated recently in the Czech Republic, the focus has been on extending the working week in order to reduce overtime hours. No recent changes in holiday entitlement have been introduced, with employees in the private sector entitled to four weeks’ leave, and those in the public sector entitled to five weeks. |
| Estonia | 1,942 | 0.5% | In Estonia, the focus is also on weeks of leave, with provisions under a 2000–2001 national collective agreement for 25 working days of leave for employees with 10 years of service with the same employer (compared with the average of 23 days of annual paid leave). |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |||
| Latvia | 1,893 | -2.6% | In Latvia, the notion of annual working time is not in common usage, although the number of public holidays has increased in recent years. |
| Ireland | 1,878 | -2.8% | In Ireland, collective agreements only cover annual hours in specific cases – for example, in relation to train drivers and prison officers. However, there is a growing interest in the notion in the context of efforts to reduce traditionally high levels of overtime working. |
| Romania | 1,869 | 0.1% | In Romania, annual leave, holidays, days off, as well as overtime are all said to be open to negotiation in the framework of collective bargaining agreements. |
| Cyprus | 1,863 | -3.2% | In Cyprus, there does not appear to be a debate on annual working hours, although there was a significant reduction of 3.2% in annual working hours over the period 2000–2006. |
| Lithuania | 1,855 | 0.5% | If working time is debated at all in Lithuania, it tends to be in relation to annual leave arrangements. Amendments to the Labour Code in 2007 have increased the number of weekly rest days coinciding with statutory holidays, despite an apparent lack of enthusiasm on the part of the social partners. |
| Italy | 1,814 | -2.5% | In Italy, annual hours declined in line with the EU average. However, no further details on these changes are available. |
| United Kingdom | 1,801 | -2.4% | In the UK, the annual dimension of working time is reported to attract little attention outside specific processing industries. However, research suggests that some 4% or more of the workforce and of workplaces are nevertheless covered by arrangements centred around annual working hours. In this respect, it is thought that legislation (from 1998 and 2006) covering rights to paid leave may have helped focus attention on annual working hours. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |||
| Malta | 1,791 | 7.3% | In Malta, annual working hours rose by 5% between 2000 and 2001, but then increased more steadily until 2006, resulting in a 7.3% increase over the whole period. The number of days of holidays is an issue for the social partners, with trade unions contesting an employer-backed government decision to reduce the number of public holidays each year. |
| Portugal | 1,762 | -0.2% | In Portugal, where average hours worked a year have fallen very little since 2000, the focus of debate and negotiation tends to be on daily, weekly or monthly working hours. |
| Slovakia | 1,750 | -3.4% | The number of hours worked a year is not a topic of political discussions and social partner negotiations, and Slovak labour legislation only defines weekly working time. The number of public holidays has not change significantly but, according to collective agreements, the number of companies providing holidays above the statutory level has increased. |
| Slovenia | 1,727 | -2.7% | In Slovenia, where annual working hours fell by 2.7% between 2000 and 2006, the annual dimension of working time receives hardly any attention in political or everyday discussion, or in social partner negotiations. |
| Finland | 1,714 | -2.0% | In Finland, where annual working hours declined in line with the EU average, the annual dimension of working time is not currently a focal point of discussion. However, the main employer organisation – the Confederation of Finnish Industries (Elinkeinoelämän keskusliitto, EK) – is pushing for more attention to be paid to annual working hours, citing concerns about the length of annual holidays. |
| Austria | 1,792 | -1.7% | In Austria, where annual working hours fell by 1.7% over the 2000–2006 period, public holidays are an issue of contention between the social partners. Employers are seeking to reduce the number of public holidays, while trade unions argue that average annual working hours are long by EU standards. In this context, some recent collective agreements have included specific provisions to reduce the number of weeks worked a year |
| Bulgaria | 1,654 | 0.8% | In Bulgaria, where annual working hours appear to have increased somewhat, the notion of annual working hours is not a subject of public debate. It is reported that the government usually takes decisions about annual holidays, public holidays and rest days. |
| Spain | 1,653 | -4.5% | In Spain, annual hours worked have fallen significantly (4.5%) since 2000, with most of the decline occurring since 2002. |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |||
| Luxembourg | 1,605 | -3.4% | In Luxembourg, where annual working hours fell by 3.4% over the period 2000–2006, the dimension of working time attracts little attention. However, the topic has been introduced into discussions on flexible working arrangements in the financial services sector. |
| Sweden | 1,599 | -2.6% | In Sweden, a debate on annual working hours took place in 2002 when the government proposed to reduce annual working time through a mixture of longer holidays, fewer working hours a week and special individual working time arrangements. Since then, however, there has been a change of government, and attention has shifted to addressing potential labour shortages. Despite these changes of political focus, annual hours declined over the period 2000–2006 by 2.6%. |
| Belgium | 1,567 | 0.9% | When flexible working arrangements are negotiated in Belgium, where average annual working hours actually increased by some 0.9% over the period 2000–2006, the length of the reference period for negotiating working time has become an issue. However, negotiations tend to refer to a three-month or six-month reference period, rather than a year. On the other hand, discussions in the automotive sector could extend this reference period beyond one year, to three or four years, in order to take account of varying levels of work effort and intensity over the life cycle of new products. |
| Denmark | 1,562 | 0.5% | In Denmark, where average working time a year appears to have remained virtually constant over the 2000–2006 period, public debate has continued on annual hours. Employers focus on the relatively short hours of work and long periods of paid annual leave, however, while trade unions argue that Danish people spend a lot of time at work because of the country’s high employment rates of both women and men. |
| France | 1,541 | -3.2% | In France, where annual working hours declined by some 3.2% over the period 2000–2006, this issue has received increased attention in light of the legislation introducing a 35-hour working week. Efforts to reduce overall working time have included extra days off, additional holidays and variable work schedules over the year. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |||
| Germany | 1,432 | -2.8% | In Germany, annual hours worked have declined by 2.8% over the period 2000–2006, and the number of public holidays has not changed significantly. |
| Norway | 1,414 | -2.8% | In Norway, where annual working time declined by 2.8% over the period 2000–2006, discussions tend to focus on annual leave arrangements (given that some 90% of the workforce are entitled to five weeks’ holidays following a wage settlement in 2001 affecting the Act relating to holidays) or on other specific issues, such as reducing hours worked by shift workers. |
| Netherlands | 1,393 | -2.9% | In the Netherlands, where annual hours declined by 2.9% over the period 2000–2006, discussions on working time are reported to have been concentrated on the length of the average working week. The number of weeks worked a year seems to have remained relatively unchanged since the average number of weeks of holidays has not changed. |
Source: European national accounts
Annex 3 – Average weekly hours worked
| Country | Weekly hours2006 | Developments 2000–2006 | Developments/trends/long hours/comments |
|---|---|---|---|
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |||
| Greece | 42.7 | -1.2% | In Greece, where average annual hours worked increased over the period 2000–2006, average weekly working time fell by 1.2%, but still remained close to 43 hours in 2006. The decline in average weekly working time is attributed to a reduction in the number of people working very long hours and by increased part-time working. |
| Poland | 40.9 | 0.0% | There is little evidence to date of any impact of EU legislation on weekly hours worked in countries with the longest annual working hours. In Poland, scepticism is reported concerning the benefits of the main provisions of Directive 2000/34/EC. |
| Hungary | 40.3 | -2.2% | In Hungary, the social partners have failed to agree on any reduction in the statutory working week. |
| Czech Republic | 41.8 | -4.1% | In the Czech Republic, average usual working hours fell by 4.1% to 41.8 hours over the period 2002–2006. Almost all of this decline is explained by a reduction of working time of two hours a week between 2000 and 2001. While there has been a gradual reduction in the hours worked by part-time workers over time, the proportion of people working very long hours appears to have remained high and constant, with 8% working more than 50 hours a week in 2006. |
| Estonia | 39.7 | -1.7% | Average weekly hours worked in Estonia fell by 1.7% over the period 2002–2006, despite annual working hours increasing, bringing average weekly working time below 40 hours. This is attributed to a reduction in the proportion of people working over 50 hours a week from 14% in 1999 to 5% in 2005, according to a local poll by the marketing research company Saar Poll (the proportion of those working more than 48 hours a week amounted to 6.7%, according to the 2005 EWCS). However, average weekly working time was estimated at 44 hours in a Public Opinion Research Centre report in 2005 – 46 hours for men and 41 hours for women. |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |||
| Latvia | 41.4 | -1.7% | In Latvia, average weekly working time stabilised at 41.4 hours in 2006 – a reduction of 1.7% compared with 2000. Indications from national sources suggest that very long hours of work have been reduced, but progress is attributed to improvements in the economic situation and rising wage levels in Latvia rather than EU legislation. |
| Ireland | 36.6 | -3.7% | In Ireland, LFS data indicate a decline in average weekly hours worked of 3.7% between 2000 and 2006 to 36.6 hours. This reduction has been associated, however, with increased flexibility in working arrangements. While the adoption of the Directive 2000/34/EC may have encouraged debate on working time issues, almost 12% of those employed were still working 45 or more hours a week in 2007. |
| Romania | 40.6 | -0.2% | In Romania, LFS data on average weekly working hours suggest little change over the period 2000–2006. However, a national Household Labour Force Survey (Ancheta Integrată asupra Forţei de Muncă în Gospodării, AMIGO) suggests an increase from 40.5 to 41.6 hours. Moreover, the proportion of those employed working over 46 hours a week is reported to have remained constant at around 18%, with self-employed people, as in other countries, working the longest hours. |
| Cyprus | 40.2 | -1.5% | In Cyprus, where working time in most sectors is regulated by law or collective agreements (for example, for the public sector and in relation to retail opening hours), LFS data indicate a reduction of 1.5% in average weekly hours worked to just over 40 hours from 2000 to 2006. Progress in reducing working time is seen to have been significantly influenced by a 1993 framework agreement between the social partners. |
| Lithuania | 38.6 | -0.5% | Average weekly hours worked in Lithuania decreased slightly over the period 2000–2006. However, doubts have been expressed about the reliability of this measure, given that overtime is considered to be poorly measured. This is evidenced by increased claims to the State Labour Inspectorate (Valstybinė darbo inspekcija, VDI) regarding unpaid overtime, with companies seeking to overcome labour shortages by introducing longer working hours. |
| Italy | 38.5 | -1.5% | In Italy, LFS data suggest that average weekly working hours worked fell by 1.5% over the period 2000–2006 to 38.5 hours. The 2006 Quality of Work Survey (QWS) carried out by Institute for the Development of Vocational Training for Workers (Istituto per lo sviluppo della formazione professionale dei lavoratori, ISFOL) suggested that average working hours per week declined from 39 hours in 2002 to 38 hours in 2006, with some reduction in the proportion of people working long hours (over 45 hours a week) – down from 19.5% to 18% of the working population. Almost five times as many self-employed persons as employees work more than 45 hours a week, with men much more likely to work long hours than women. |
| UK | 36.9 | -1.9% | In the UK, average weekly hours worked fell in the 1970s, stabilised in the 1980s, and then began to fall again in the late 1990s. Over the period 2000–2006, average weekly hours worked fell further from 37.6 hours to 36.9 hours, with the proportion of men in employment working over 45 hours falling from 39% in 2001 to 30% in 2007. The discussion on EU legislation – for which there is a UK ‘opt-out’ – is considered to have had some impact in encouraging a reduction in very long working hours, although less than the general desire for a better work–life balance as living standards have risen. A large reduction in overtime working is currently reported, although there are doubts about the accuracy of its measurement. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |||
| Malta | 39.1 | -3.7% | In Malta, average weekly hours worked fell from 40.6 to 39.1 hours between 2000 and 2006. This reduction is mainly attributed to an increase in part-time working, notably by women. However, the 2005 EWCS indicated that nearly 14% of those in employment still worked more than 48 hours a week. |
| Portugal | 39.1 | -1.5% | In Portugal, average usual hours declined between 2000 and 2006 from 39.7 to 39.1 hours. This is attributed to an increase in part-time working in the early part of the six-year period, which has now levelled off. |
| Slovakia | 41 | -3.8% | In Slovakia, average hours fell significantly over the 2000–2006 period from 42.6 to 41 hours. This is attributed to part-time workers working fewer hours rather than any reduction in the proportion of persons working very long hours, with 20% of workers apparently working more than 48 hours a week, with no discernable influence from of Directive 2000/34/EC. |
| Slovenia | 40.3 | -3.1% | For Slovenia, the LFS data for the period 2000–2006 indicate a fall in average hours worked from 41.6 to 40.3 hours. This reduction can mainly be explained by increased part-time work, which nevertheless remains relatively limited (less than 9% of women and under 5% of men in 2006). Regarding very long hours of work, the national EWCS data for 2005 indicated that, contrary to findings in most other countries, twice as many employees as self-employed persons worked more than 48 hours a week. Directive 2000/34/EC is not considered to have had any effect. |
| Finland | 37.6 | -2.3% | In Finland, average weekly working hours fell from 38.5 to 37.6 hours between 2000 and 2006. This is partly explained by increased part-time working, but also by reduced hours of work by those working part time, especially men. |
| Austria | 39.2 | 2.1% | In Austria, average weekly hours worked declined somewhat in the first part of the period 2000–2006, but then rose again to just over 39 hours, amounting to a 2.1% increase overall. An increase in part-time working (from 14.7% to 22.1%) was more than offset by a substantial increase in the hours worked by full-time workers – up from 40.1 in 1997 to 42.7 in 2007. In the view of the Austrian social partners, the EU Directive has had little impact nationally. |
| Bulgaria | 41.4 | 1.7% | Between 2000 and 2006, average working hours in Bulgaria actually rose by 1.7% – from 40.7 to 41.4 hours. Part-time working is limited and its impact on average weekly working time is considered insignificant. To date, there is no evidence to suggest that the adoption of the EU Directive has had any impact on working hours, with 21% of the workforce working more than 48 hours a week (although more than half of these workers are self-employed). |
| Spain | 39.4 | -2.0% | In Spain, average weekly hours worked fell between 2000 and 2006 from 40.2 to 39.4 hours, with part-time working increasing from 8% to 12% over the same period. As in other countries, women are overrepresented among part-time workers, although it is noted that women in public sector jobs work longer hours than women in the private sector. It is notable that 26% of Spanish employees are reported as working six days a week, compared with an EU average of 16% of workers, probably or possibly due to the services activities related to tourism. |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |||
| Luxembourg | 37.3 | -2.9% | Between 2000 and 2006, Luxembourg saw a significant reduction in average weekly hours worked, from 38.4 to 37.3 hours, associated with an increase in the number of part-time workers. EU legislation is considered unlikely to have had any impact on working hours since national legislation was already in place, although the number of persons working very long hours appears to have fallen. |
| Sweden | 36.4 | -0.5% | In Sweden, average weekly hours worked changed little over the past 10 years, with a modest decline between 2000 and 2006. The number of average hours worked currently stands at 36.4 hours a week. The gap between men and women in terms of working hours has always been relatively small, but has decreased further, albeit marginally, with men currently working 38 hours in their main job and women working 32 hours. Hours worked in full-time jobs are virtually identical for men and women at just under 40 hours a week. However, hours worked by men and women in part-time jobs have both risen, increasing from 19 to 21.5 hours for men and from 23.5 to 26.5 hours for women. Across the workforce as a whole, only 9% of persons work very long hours, most of whom are self-employed. |
| Belgium | 36.8 | -0.8% | In Belgium, a major change in working time took place in the 1980s. Nevertheless, there have been few changes since then, and changes in average hours worked have been limited, with a modest reduction over the 2000–2006 period to 36.8 hours a week. Part-time working has increased, but its effect has been offset by a slight increase in hours worked by both part-time and full-time workers. EU legislation is not seen to have had any effect on working time arrangements, given the high level of Belgian regulation already in place. |
| Denmark | 35.3 | -2.2% | In Denmark, a decrease in weekly working hours from 36.1 to 35.3 hours was observed between 2000 and 2006. This appears to have occurred across-the-board, although there have been changes with respect to the number of part-time hours workers, with those of men increasing and those of women declining. Only 10% of workers are recorded as working long hours; this figure did not change over the six-year period in question. |
| France | 38.1 | 2.4% | In France, a substantial reduction in average weekly working hours is reported to have taken place since the first ‘Aubry’ law on working time reduction was passed during 1998, with the most notable reductions in larger companies. LFS data indicate, however, that average hours worked actually increased significantly – from 37.2 to 38.1 hours – between 2000 and 2006. The fact that average weekly hours worked remain above the legal 35-hour limit is attributed to systematic overtime working (notably in small companies and in sectors such as hotels and restaurants and transport) and the consequences of some collective agreements, in which acceptance of ‘inactive’ periods can increase the effective time spent at work. The change of government in 2007 is seen to signal an end to incentives to reduce working time. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |||
| Germany | 35.7 | -3.8% | In Germany, average weekly hours worked fell steadily and significantly between 2000 and 2006 from 37.1 to 35.7 hours. According to a study by the Institute for Employment Research (Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung, IAB), this was mainly the consequence of an increase in part-time working (accounting for almost 26% of those employed in 2006 compared with just over 19% in 2000), caused in part by changes in social security legislation that exempted those with short weekly working hours. |
| Norway | 33.9 | -4.2% | In Norway, average weekly working hours declined between 2000 and 2006 from 35.4 to 33.9 hours. There is no evidence to suggest that this decline was due to more women entering the labour market and working part time, given that the proportion of women working full time remained stable at around 55%–56% over the 2000–2006 period, with a slight decrease in the number of men working full time – from over 89% to less than 87%. Only 6% of workers currently work more than 48 hours a week – a proportion that has fallen significantly since 2000. Since the maximum 48-hour working week was established in Norway in 1919, the only conceivable effect of EU legislation would have been in raising awareness of the issue. |
| Netherlands | 31.2 | -1.9% | In the Netherlands, a fall in average weekly hours worked between 2000 and 2006 – from 31.8 to 31.2 hours – was reported by the LFS. However, the Dutch Central Bureau of Statistics (Centraal Bureau voor de Statistiek, CBS) suggests a larger decline in average hours: from 31.4 to 30.1 hours (with overtime) and from 30.9 to 29.7 hours (without overtime), between 2000 and 2006–2007. Changes are attributed to the entry of women in the labour market and the growth of part-time working among both men and women. EU legislation is not seen to have had an effect on working hours in the Netherlands since there was already legislation in place in this field, limiting average weekly working time to a maximum of 45 hours (40 hours for night work). Nevertheless, the government extended this limit in 2007 to an average maximum of 52 hours over a 16-week period. |
Source: LFS
Annex 4 – Part-time working
| Country | % incidence of part-time work ( /- x%) | Government initiatives to support part-time work | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Men 2006 | % point change 2000–2006 | Women 2006 | % point change 2000–2006 | ||
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |||||
| Greece | 2.9% | 0.3% | 10.2% | 2.4% | In Greece, the rate of part-time work has increased somewhat from 2000 to 2006 and now stands at 2.9% for men and 10.2% for women. Legislation introduced in 1998 allows for part-time working in public services, but this possibility appears to have been seldom used in practice. |
| Poland | 7.1% | -1.1% | 13% | -0.4% | In Poland, 7.1% of men and 13% of women work part time, but these proportions appear to have declined over the review period 2000–2006. |
| Hungary | 2.6% | 0.6% | 5.6% | 0.4% | In Hungary, the rate of part-time working is low – 2.6% for men and 5.6% for women. This is despite legislation dating back to 1991 which allows subsidies to be given for part-time employment, as well as other incentives. For example, since 2004, employers who offer employment to parents on childcare leave (who are not allowed to work full time) are exempt from healthcare payments. Likewise, since 2005, health insurance contributions have been adjusted to make them proportional to hours worked. |
| Czech Republic | 2.2% | 0.0% | 8.7% | -0.6% | In the Czech Republic, part-time working is undertaken by just 2.2% of men and 8.7% of women, with little change over the period 2000–2006. Moreover, both the demand for, and supply of, part-time work is low, with women reportedly preferring flexible working arrangements rather than fewer work hours. No general measures of government support for part-time work are available. In fact, part-time work is seen to be more appropriate for those facing difficulties in entering or re-entering the labour market (such as those returning from parental leave, those aged over 50 years old, or those with disabilities), with support provided through lower social insurance contributions and tax concessions. |
| Estonia | 4.3% | -1.0% | 11.3% | 0.4% | In Estonia, 4.3% of men and 11.3% of women work part time. While public policy statements are generally positive regarding part-time work, no active steps appear to have been taken to encourage it, even as the policy debate turns towards issues of flexibility and work–life balance. Overall, low income levels are seen as the main factor discouraging the growth of part-time work. |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |||||
| Latvia | 4.7% | -5.0% | 8.3% | -4.5% | In Latvia, there has been a shift towards full-time working, with a substantial decline in the proportion of people working only part time, to 4.7% of men and 8.3% of women. Legal regulations have been introduced concerning part-time employment, but no specific support measures appear to have been implemented. |
| Ireland | n.a. | n.a. | n.a. | n.a. | In Ireland, part-time working had stabilised at about 18% of the workforce, comprising some 6% of men in employment and well over 30% of women in 2004, the latest year for which data are available. No particular government policy initiatives have been taken to encourage part-time working. |
| Romania | 9.5% | -5.1% | 9.8% | -8.8% | In Romania, part-time work is reportedly undertaken by 9.5% of men and 9.8% of women – both representing a decline over the reference period 2000–2006. No obvious action is being taken to encourage part-time working, which is not seen as attractive by potential employees. Nevertheless, part-time working is now reported as being better regulated under the new Labour Code. |
| Cyprus | 4.3% | -0.2% | 12.1% | -1.8% | In Cyprus, part-time working is undertaken by some 4.3% of men and 12.1% of women, and appears to have declined somewhat from 2000 to 2006. The government is supporting part-time working in the context of schemes to promote modern and flexible forms of employment, but these are largely targeted towards women who are currently outside the workforce. |
| Lithuania | 7.9% | -1.3% | 12% | 0.9% | In Lithuania, rates of part-time working have declined somewhat for men to 7.9% and increased for women to 12%. Two factors appear to discourage part-time working: the low levels of pay for part-time work, and the fact that employers find it difficult to organise such work, especially if they have to take account of employees’ working time preferences. |
| Italy | 4.7% | 1.0% | 26.5% | 10.0% | In Italy, part-time work has increased from a very low level over the past 10 years, currently accounting for 4.7% of men (7% according to a national survey in 2006 on ‘Changing work’ by the Institute for Economic and Social Research (Istituto di Ricerche Economiche e Sociali, IRES)) and 26.5% of women. Credit is given to the Directive 2000/34/EC for enabling part-time working to develop, but the Italian national social security arrangements, especially as regards pensions, are still seen as discriminating against, and hence discouraging, part-time employment. |
| UK | 10.6% | 1.7% | 42.5% | -1.9% | In the UK, part-time work is carried out by some 10.6% of men, but 42.5% of women. According to a Workplace Employee Relations Survey (WERS) management survey in 2004, the proportion of workplaces with no part-time workers fell from 21% in 1998 to 17% in 2004, probably due to increased part-time work in the public sector. The tax system is seen to provide a modest incentive to part-time work because of a minimum tax threshold. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |||||
| Malta | 4.9% | 1.9% | 21.5% | 6.0% | In Malta, part-time working has grown to become a significant labour market feature, with 21.5% of women in employment working part time, compared with only 4.9% of men. The government has encouraged the growth of part-time employment, including through the revision of income tax bands. A new public employment register has also been established for people seeking part-time work. |
| Portugal | 7.4% | 1.0% | 15.8% | -0.6% | In Portugal, part-time working remains relatively low and stable at around 7.4% for men and 15.8% for women. No particular incentives are in place to encourage part-time working. However, in line with the European Employment Strategy, part-time working is seen as a measure to ‘promote equality between men and women and facilitate work–life balance’. Low pay is considered the main reason limiting employee interest in taking up part-time work. |
| Slovakia | 1.3% | 0.2% | 4.7% | 1.6% | In Slovakia, the incidence of part-time working is significantly low, involving only 1.3% of men in employment and 4.7% of women, with only a modest increase over the reference period 2000–2006. In practice, part-time jobs are generally taken up by workers only when full-time work is not available, for health reasons, or to suit the needs of employers. Changes to the Labour Code in 2007 have brought about better protection for part-time workers, with some tax incentives for those who are the lowest paid, which may serve to encourage more people to seek part-time work. |
| Slovenia | 7.2% | 1.9% | 11.6% | 3.8% | In Slovenia, the gender balance of part-time working is relatively close, with 7.2% of men and 11.6% of women working part time, with increases in both cases over the 2000–2006 period. However, part-time working appears to be more related to age than gender, being typically carried out by those aged under 25 years or over 55 years of age. For younger workers (where about 63% of 15–19-year-olds in employment and 24% of 20–24-year-olds work part time), the high level of part-time work is related to the practice of combining regular studies with paid employment. For older workers, taking on part-time work is more a way of coping with health problems or partial disability, which is how part-time work tends to be perceived. The Slovenian government does not encourage part-time working and social security rules can act as a disincentive. However, a specific scheme – similar in concept to that in Finland – provides some financial support and a right to part-time work in the context of the 2006 Act on parental protection and family benefits. No data are currently available on the take-up rate of part-time work, although it is understood that it is almost exclusively women who avail of this form of employment. |
| Finland | 9.3% | 1.3% | 19.2% | 2.2% | The rate of part-time working is reasonably high in Finland, with a slight upward trend since 2000. The gender imbalance – with 9.3% of men working part time compared with 19.2% of women – is partly explained by the Finnish Quality of Work Life Survey (FQWLS) of 2003, which found significant differences in motivation between men and women. Men were working part time because they were partly retired (33%), studying (30%) or not able to obtain full-time work (20%), while more women would have preferred to work full time (37%), with fewer working part time for reasons of study (20%) or part-time retirement (17%). Two specific legislative measures encourage part-time working. The first measure is a part-retirement scheme for full-time workers aged 58 years or more, with a part-pension of 50% of the difference between regular and part-time earnings. The second measure is a (less well used) part-time childcare leave system for those who reduce their working hours when their children are of pre-school age, or in their first two years of attendance at school. |
| Austria | 6.5% | 2.4% | 40.2% | 8.0% | In Austria, as in the UK, a strong gender bias is evident, with only 6.5% of men working part time, compared with 40.2% of women. Successive governments appear to have been satisfied with such arrangements, but the 2007 amendment to the Working Time Act (Arbeitszeitgesetz, AZG) has adopted a long-standing demand of trade unions and given part-time workers a right to premium rates of pay for overtime work, thus making part-time work less attractive to employers. |
| Bulgaria | 1.5% | -1.4% | 2.5% | -1.1% | In Bulgaria, the rate of part-time working is extremely low, covering only 1.5% of men and 2.5% of women in employment in 2006. Moreover, part-time working has declined rather than risen over the past five years. Given current low levels of hourly pay, part-time work is not attractive for most employees and is generally viewed as only suitable for students, or as a secondary source of income. |
| Spain | 4.3% | 1.5% | 23.2% | 6.4% | In Spain, some 4.3% of employed men are in part-time work, compared with 23.2% of women. Part-time working has increased – especially for women – reflecting pressures from both employers (seeking flexibility) and employees (seeking to better combine professional activities and personal needs). |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |||||
| Luxembourg | 2.6% | 0.9% | 36.2% | 11.1% | In Luxembourg, part-time working has increased substantially in recent years, largely due to many more women working part-time hours. At present, 36.2% of women work part time, compared with only 2.6% of men. While there is no specific policy to encourage part-time working, measures are in place that provide financial compensation for employers who, instead of making employees redundant ‘for economic reasons’, agree to keep them on in part-time jobs. |
| Sweden | 11.8% | 3.6% | 40.2% | 7.9% | In Sweden, the rate of part-time working is high and has continued to increase, but revealing a significant gender imbalance, with 40.2% of women working part time compared with 11.8% of men. There is an ongoing debate on the effects of part-time working on inequality between men and women. While the previous government had wanted to establish a right to full-time work, with some exceptions, the current government does not support this idea and has opted, instead, for tax changes designed to remove disincentives to working full time. |
| Belgium | 7.4% | 1.9% | 41.1% | 3.7% | In Belgium, 41.1% of women, but only 7.4% of men work part time. Part-time working is particularly encouraged through career breaks. These were introduced in 1985, partly in order to provide job opportunities for unemployed people, but are now considered more as a way of improving work–life balance. A generalised ‘time credit’ system is widely used to enable women aged under 50 years to take career breaks, with men over 50 years of age also making use of this option to reduce working hours. |
| Denmark | 13.3% | 3.1% | 35.4% | 1.3% | At a rate of 13.3%, part-time working among men is high in Denmark, although still well below the 35.4% rate for women. Legislation introduced in 2002 made it easier to establish company-level agreements on part-time work, regardless of any collective agreement provisions, but with protection for employees not wishing to work part time. A law on flexible jobs (targeting those with a reduced ability to work) also encourages part-time working, with publicly-financed compensation available to companies. Part-time workers in Denmark can receive unemployment benefits, but the government is seeking to tighten the rules to encourage more people to seek full-time work. |
| France | 5.8% | 0.5% | 30.2% | -0.6% | In France, part-time working increased markedly from 1992 to 1998 (following reductions in social security charges for part-time workers), but it has stabilised since then, covering 5.8% of men and 30.2% of women. Reductions in working time have tended to be the result of new full-time employment contracts stipulating shorter working hours, rather than the introduction of more part-time work contracts. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |||||
| Germany | 9.3% | 4.3% | 45.6% | 7.7% | In Germany, part-time work has increased considerably over the reference period, and some 9.3% of men and 45.6% of women currently in employment are working part time. Average hours worked by men in such jobs increased from 15.7 to 16.8 hours a week between 2000 and 2006, while those of women remained broadly unchanged at 18.4 hours a week in 2006. Significant regional differences exist in respect of part-time working: an IAB study indicated that the proportion of women working part time is much lower in the eastern part of the country (38% in 2004) than in the western part (51% in 2004). However, the percentage of men working part time in 2004 was higher in eastern than in western Germany. The Federal Statistical Office (Statistisches Bundesamt, Destatis) also reports that, while the proportion of employees working part time because they could not find a full-time job was only 11% in the western part of the country in 2005, the equivalent figure for eastern Germany was 54%. The position of part-time workers is covered by the 2001 Law on part-time and fixed-term work (Teilzeit- und Befristungsgesetz, TzBfG), which provides workers with the right to opt to work shorter hours after the person concerned has been in full-time employment for six months (in companies with more than 15 employees). |
| Norway | 13.9% | 3.3% | 45.2% | 2.2% | In Norway, the proportion of women working part time in 2006 was much higher than for men – 45.2% compared with 13.9% respectively – with some increase in the proportions of both men and women working part time since 2000. No strong government policy exists on part-time work, except in respect of involuntary part-time work, where the main aim is to help the workers concerned (notably women) into full-time employment. |
| Netherlands | 23% | 3.7% | 74.7% | 3.7% | In the Netherlands, part-time working has increased over the years, including during the reference period 2000–2006, with by far the highest proportions of employees working part time in the EU – 74.7% of women and 23% of men. Until 2002, the government promoted part-time work, particularly for women, by supporting childcare initiatives. It also encouraged part-time work for students as a way of financing their studies. Since 2003, however, the government has begun to discourage part-time work because of concerns about labour shortages. |
Note: n.a. = No data available.
Source: LFS
Annex 5 – Trade union views
| Countries with the highest annual working hours | |
| Greece | In Greece, the General Confederation of Labour (Γενική Συνομοσπονδία Εργατών Ελλάδας, GSEE) has consistently promoted the case for the introduction of a 35-hour working week without loss of pay. In terms of the wider use of part-time work, trade unions are cautious, seeing it as more suitable for specific groups (such as students). In general, they fear that it could lead to more low-standard jobs, lower pay and reduced social protection, creating a ‘grey area’ between regular employment and unemployment. |
| Poland | In Poland, trade unions are said to have essentially focused on the issue of overtime pay in relation to working time. |
| Hungary | In Hungary, weekly hours of work are rarely specifically addressed as an issue at either sectoral or company level, with the main debate being over meal breaks and how they should be taken into account in calculating working time. In general, working time issues such as overtime hours, non-standard work, shift working, posting of workers, working on rest days and holidays are addressed in the context of overall pay negotiations. |
| Czech Republic | In the Czech Republic, trade unions aim to regulate the various aspects of working time – scheduling, overtime, working on standby – at both enterprise and sectoral level. Significantly, it is reported that the vast majority of company-level collective agreements in 2007 provided for a reduction in working time, with provision for an increased holiday allowance. With regard to part-time jobs, trade unions tend to want to limit the numbers of such jobs, although they support employer initiatives to provide support facilities (notably childcare) for part-time employees. In this respect, there appears to be a tendency for collective agreements to take more account of the desire to achieve a better work–life balance. |
| Estonia | In Estonia, working time is seen as the second most important issue concerning collective bargaining after pay, with the trade unions seeking to set precise conditions for recording working time, overtime hours and work carried out at unusual hours. Collective negotiations generally focus on full-time employment, and no specific initiatives have been taken regarding part-time work. |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |
| Latvia | In Latvia, working time issues are negotiated at company level, with a particular focus on holidays and overtime payments. In contrast to some of the other NMS, part-time jobs are viewed positively by trade unions as a source of additional employment and income for workers. |
| Ireland | In Ireland, a reduction in the working week continues to be a priority for trade unions, and collective bargaining has traditionally played a significant role in the regulation of working time. In the 1990s, based on a 1989–1990 framework agreement, a 39-hour working week was established for manual workers (35–37.5 hours for non-manual workers). There have been no further general reductions since then, although individual trade unions continue to negotiate reductions in the working week, with a landmark 35-hour week deal agreed in 2003 in the financial services sector. Trade unions in Ireland are regarded as having rather mixed views regarding part-time work – they fear that demands for more flexible work could undermine their bargaining position, while recognising the need to represent more ‘atypical’ (including part-time) workers. |
| Romania | In negotiations in Romania, trade unions pay particular attention to the appropriate definition of daily and weekly working time, as well as to ensuring the correct payments for overtime, night work and work carried out during spare time or public holidays. In this context, part-time work is seen as an exception to normal full-time employment. |
| Cyprus | In Cyprus, working time arrangements are closely regulated through collective agreements. With respect to part-time work, the main concern is to ensure that arrangements are in line with employee wishes rather than being imposed by employers. Accordingly, trade unions continue to ask for part-time workers to be put on an equal footing with full-time workers. |
| Lithuania | In Lithuania, the strength of the national labour market has had the effect of increasing working hours, which trade unions see as resulting in a deterioration of working conditions. In practice, neither employees nor employers are particularly attracted by part-time work – employees believe that part-time working implies lower incomes, and employers resent the additional organisational work involved in hiring part-time workers. |
| Italy | A particular objective of trade unions in Italy has been to limit the freedom of employers to use overtime at will, and to encourage the creation of additional jobs. However, this has created a dilemma given that working longer hours is one of the few options available for workers to increase earnings when rates of output and productivity growth are low, as in recent years. Trade union attitudes towards part-time work remain somewhat mixed, as they view this form of work as a practical means of improving work–life balance, while also being concerned about the obvious gender imbalance among part-time workers in practice. More generally, their aim is to discourage casual or fragmented part-time working patterns and to negotiate agreements in certain sectors, such as hotels and restaurants, that can formalise previously undeclared work. |
| UK | In the UK, a particular focus of trade union concerns has been excessively long working hours, given the country’s continuing ‘opt-out’ from the EU legislation pertaining to the 48-hour working week. This is seen as a health and safety issue as well as an obstacle to the achievement of a better work–life balance. In the absence of legislation, limitations on working hours in the UK appear to depend on the presence, or absence, of trade union representation at the workplace. In this respect, trade unions have taken a much more positive view of part-time work, and of organising part-time workers, since new regulations in 2000 provided equal rights concerning pay, pensions and employment protection. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |
| Malta | In Malta, the main trade union concerns are rather specific and somewhat unexpected – namely to resist the introduction of the Directive 2000/34/EC setting the 48-hour limit on the working week. At the same time, they denounce the government’s proposed amendment to legislation on national and public holidays (which would mean the loss of public holidays falling on a weekend), and are seeking to retain the rights of government employees to work half days between mid June and the end of September. |
| Portugal | No information provided. |
| Slovakia | In Slovakia, the most notable collective bargaining developments in this area concern an agreement to reduce the working hours of public sector employees. Trade unions have taken a positive approach to part-time working, but are concerned about ensuring job security for the workers involved. |
| Slovenia | In Slovenia, over the past five years, the trade union focus in collective negotiations has been on flexibility, including addressing employer and government proposals that would have extended daily working time by removing the lunch break. This move was resisted, however, and formalised in the conditions set out in the Employment Relations Act that was agreed and passed in the autumn of 2007. Sunday and holiday working by employees in retail distribution have also been issues of contention in Slovenia, which resulted in a national referendum on the opening hours of shops, during which a majority of participants voted for Sunday closure. Employers challenged this, however, and a new Collective Agreement for Trade was signed in the autumn of 2006 allowing employers to decide on their opening hours (including on Sundays and holidays), but with substantial financial benefits for employees working on those days. |
| Finland | In Finland, the emphasis in negotiations from a trade union perspective is on two specific issues: an attempt to establish a four-hour minimum work ‘shift’ for part-time working (so as to avoid working time being split, for example, between two hours in the morning and two hours in the afternoon); and progress towards ensuring that arrangements concerning flexible working hour ‘banking’ (in which flexible hours are accumulated over a given reference period) are acceptable to employees as they are to employers. |
| Austria | In Austria, trade unions have traditionally been sceptical about efforts to make working time arrangements more flexible and have sought to trade off flexibility for working time reductions. However, with the scope for further reductions in working time seen as limited, the emphasis has shifted towards the achievement of a better work–life balance, with trade unions favouring collective negotiations at sectoral level. Negotiations on working time often focus on practical issues – the definition of a normal working week, flexitime arrangements, the reference periods for overtime working or shift working regulations. In Austria, as in some other countries, there is a degree of trade union ambivalence to part-time work, with the high incidence of part-time work among women being viewed as a major factor associated with the gender pay gap (particularly as women are overrepresented in typically low-wage sectors). Trade unions have also argued for measures to stop or discourage employers from splitting full-time jobs into part-time roles. |
| Bulgaria | In Bulgaria, working time arrangements are negotiated between the social partners and government within the framework of the national Labour Code established in 2001–2004. Collective negotiations and agreements cover issues of working time, leave, holidays and rest days, as well as part-time working and working time flexibility. Trade unions have sought a gradual reduction in the working week from 40 to 35 hours, but without much support from either employers or government. |
| Spain | In Spain, a traditional goal of trade unions has been to achieve shorter working hours in order to attain a better work–life balance. This approach has the support of public authorities and employers, which are reported to be increasingly aware of the benefits – in terms of enhancing the corporate image, as well as improving staff motivation and productivity – of actions that result in more flexible working arrangements without necessarily involving reduced working hours. This is confirmed in a report by the National Commission for the Rationalisation of Spanish Working Time (Comisión Nacional para la Racionalización de los Horarios Españoles y su Normalización con los de los países de la UE). |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |
| Luxembourg | In general, trade unions in Luxembourg continue to support a reduction in working time with no loss of income and a sixth week of holidays a year, with a focus on achieving a better work–life balance. In this context, trade unions are calling for a right to part-time work. However, studies suggest that part-time work is not always wanted, as well as being mainly carried out by women. |
| Sweden | While the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen i Sverige, LO) has the long-standing goal of reducing working time to six hours a day, the focus in recent years has shifted away from reductions in working time to increases in pay. As part of this process, trade unions are also pushing for workers to have a right to a full-time employment contract, since part-time work is viewed somewhat negatively and is seen as an obstacle to achieving equality between men and women in the home and at work. |
| Belgium | In Belgium, campaigns to reduce working time (notably in order to reduce unemployment through work-sharing arrangements) are now a thing of the past following the introduction of the 38-hour working week as a general rule in 2001. However, working time is still one of the top trade union issues at company level, partly because national regulations allow considerable scope for sectoral or workplace-level negotiations. As a result of a new intersectoral agreement for 2007–2008, a current concern relates to overtime working, with pressure from employers to reduce overtime costs (with support from the government). Trade unions in Belgium are generally positive about part-time work, provided it is voluntary and that it does not lead to job insecurity or working at unsocial hours. At the same time, they are seeking to extend the use of working time account (‘time banking’ or ‘time credit’) systems more generally. |
| Denmark | In Denmark, the 37-hour working week has been the nominal norm since its introduction in 1990 and, since then, the issue of working time has not been high on the social partner agenda. However, the national employer organisation has reopened the debate in 2009 by proposing the option of combining longer working hours with higher pay. Trade unions have responded with uncertainty, however, citing possible problems such as increased stress or sickness. Traditionally, most trade unions in Denmark have opposed the idea of part-time working, even though it is allowed under most collective agreements. This negative attitude has been re-enforced by recent legislation on part-time employment which trade unions see as providing employers with the possibility to force workers to accept such jobs, and to dismiss them if they do not. |
| France | In France, working time issues have been at the centre of collective bargaining in recent years, given the legal requirement to implement working time reductions through collective agreements. Following the changes introduced by the new government in 2002, however, companies have been able to opt out from the legal working time restrictions by agreement with their workforces, although few appear to have done so. The threat of the new government in 2007 to remove any reference to legal working time provoked a strongly negative response from trade unions. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |
| Germany | In Germany, the Confederation of German Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, DGB) advocates a 35-hour working week for all employees, reflecting the view that longer working hours have a negative effect on work–life balance and health, as well as leading to lower rates of hourly pay. This position has been broadly maintained in major negotiations in recent years. Part-time work is not seen as one of the major issues in collective agreements. However, a four-hour minimum working time per day for part-time workers has been negotiated in the chemical sector. |
| Norway | In Norway, a 30-hour working week (five days of six hours), without loss of earnings, has long been the ambition of the Norwegian Confederation of Trade Unions (Landsorganisasjonen i Norge, LO). In this context, full-time working is seen as a basic right, with part-time working considered as optional, and with priority given to part-time workers if full-time jobs become available. Equal status for shift workers, in terms of average weekly working hours, is a current issue of debate. The government has established an expert panel to look at the scope and practice of shift work in different sectors of activity. Unregulated hours and overtime hours are a major concern of the Federation of Norwegian Professional Associations (Akademikerne), which argues that recent government proposals regarding exemption from working time legislation are too wide in scope and should be restricted to senior staff. They argue for conditions to be included in individual written agreements, with the option of adding overtime hours worked to holiday entitlements. Voluntary part-time working has not been an issue in general. However, there are specific concerns, for example, regarding the creation of large numbers of small part-time shift work posts in the healthcare sector, where women are overrepresented. |
| Netherlands | During the past 10 years, trade unions in the Netherlands have sought to ensure greater scope for the exercise of individual choice within the framework of collective agreements through the ‘employment terms menu’ or ‘CAO à-la-carte’. Thus, they seek to maintain the reduced, 36-hour working week, but to allow those people who wish to work longer hours to do so. Overall, trade unions are particularly concerned with promoting work–life balance for both men and women, with a focus on childcare and the possibility of influencing individual working time. In this context, part-time working is viewed positively. |
Source: Trade union data
Annex 6 – Flexible working
Work schedules
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |
| Greece | In Greece, the standard eight-hour working day is seen as the norm, as is the standard five-day working week. Only in the retail sector is this not the case, and this is regarded as exceptional. |
| Poland | In Poland, only 39% of people stated that they never work on Saturdays (EWCS 2005) while 31% reported working seven days a week, and 44% either six or seven days a week. |
| Hungary | In Hungary, 80% of men and 86% of women had working arrangements with fixed start and end times, as reported in the 2004 LFS. The EWCS reports that the standard full-time work day (apart from shift workers) applies to 68% of men and 75% of women. Moreover, at least 75% of men and 82% of women do not work at weekends. |
| Czech Republic | In the Czech Republic, full-time work is the norm, applying to 95% of all workers (98% men, 91% women) according to the 2006 LFS. Almost 80% of workers have a fixed start and end time to their working day. Work also starts early in the Czech Republic – typically at 07.00, with women finishing at 15.00 and men at 16.00, with a third of workers starting work by 06.00 (especially in manufacturing). Only 5% of Czechs start work after 08.00, although the arrival of foreign companies is beginning to change these practices. |
| Estonia | In Estonia, 83% of employees had a fixed beginning and end time to their working day, with 77% working a 40-hour week and 74% a five-day week. However, 45% of people do not work the same number of hours each week (EWCS 2005) and Saturday and Sunday working has diminished. Regarding weekend work, in 2006, 60% of people reported that they never worked on Saturdays and 73% never worked on Sundays (compared with 53% and 66%, respectively, in 1997). |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |
| Latvia | In Latvia, work starts early, often at 07.00, with relatively fixed starting and finishing times, at least in manufacturing, but with more flexibility in sectors such as construction and services. It is, therefore, more appropriate to speak of a standard time norm, rather than a fixed 08.00/09.00 to 17.00/18.00 norm. |
| Ireland | In Ireland, the standard full-time working day is regarded as the norm, along with the 40-hour/five-day working week. |
| Romania | In Romania, 87% of workers work 40 or more hours a week (EWCS 2005) and some 60% of workers work more than 45 hours a week (AMIGO, 2005). Some 49% of Romanians work more than a five-day week, leaving just 44% working a five-day week compared with the EU average of 64%. The five-day, 40-hour working week is, therefore, not regarded as the predominant pattern. |
| Cyprus | In Cyprus, the standard working week is 38 hours over five days, but the working day varies according to sector. In the public sector, working hours are 07.30/08.00 to 14.30/15.00, apart from Thursday when employees work two hours longer. In construction and industry, the working day is 07.30 to 15.30/16.00. In the private sector and services, the working day runs from 08.00/09.00 to 17.00/18.00. |
| Lithuania | In Lithuania, a full-time working day and a standard time norm are predominant and, according to the EWCS data, the average main paid job involves 41 hours a week. |
| Italy | In Italy, the 2002 QWS by ISFOL identified four categories of working practice: highly regular, with the same number of hours and days (67% of respondents); regular in terms of daily hours, but not the number of days (2.5%); regular in terms of days only (18%); irregular in terms of both hours and days (12%). The survey reported minimal differences between the position of men and women in these respects. |
| UK | In the UK, most workers work to a standard pattern, but flexitime and shift working are also prevalent in certain sectors. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |
| Malta | In Malta, the standard full-time working day and the 40-hour/five-day week appears to be the norm with 73% of those in employment working the same number of hours a day and 82% working the same number of days a week. Moreover, 47% and 70% of employees never work on Saturday and Sunday, respectively, and 70% and 81% never work late evenings (20.00–23.00) or during the night (23.00–05.00) (according to a study conducted by the National Statistics Office (NSO) on working time in 2005). A large majority (75%) of employees work fixed hours, while 11% work core hours with variations in start and finishing times. |
| Portugal | In Portugal, the full-time working day is the norm. Overall, 72% of employees work five days a week and 50%–60% (50% in the 2005 EWCS and 60% in the Portuguese Working Conditions Survey (WCS) in 2000) also work a 40-hour week. A large proportion of start and finish times are fixed – for 83% of women and 77% of men (LFS 2004). |
| Slovakia | In Slovakia, a standard working week – 40 hours over five days – is the dominant form: 73% of workers usually work five days a week and 37% work between 39 and 41 hours. According to the Labour Code, daily working time cannot exceed nine hours and employers are obliged to distribute working time over five days when conditions allow. |
| Slovenia | In Slovenia, the standard full-time working day is seen to predominate, as does the standard 40-hour, five-day working week. However, according to the EWCS 2005, over 32% of those employed usually work six days a week in their main paid job, with 7% working seven days a week. This is regarded as reflecting the preference of employers to pay for overtime rather than recruit extra personnel, as well as the continuing importance of agriculture. |
| Finland | In Finland, according to the FQWLS, 68% of employees now start and finish work between the hours of 06.00 and 18.00 compared with 76% in 1984, implying increased flexibility over hours. Only 53% of employees work a traditional pattern of a five-day week and 35–40 hours a week. |
| Austria | In Austria, about two thirds of employees work five days a week and slightly more than 50% of employees work between 39 and 41 hours a week. |
| Bulgaria | In Bulgaria, a time span of 08.00 to 17.00 is typical in industry, with 09.00 to 18.00 more typical working hours in the public sector. The 40-hour, five-day working week is typical for around 40%–45% of workers. |
| Spain | In Spain, the standard arrangement is full-time working for five days a week, with an average of 38.5 hours and no shift working. Nevertheless, half of all Spanish employees work in the evening, and over a third work more than five evenings a month (EWCS 2005). Some 11% of Spanish employees work more than five nights a month, but these are concentrated in specific sectors – agriculture and fishing, extractive industries, hotels, restaurants and catering, and health and social work. These sectors also account for an above-average proportion of weekend working. Shift working is also important, although data differ in this regard: the EWCS 2005 recorded that shift work involves 22% of those employed, while the 2004 Survey on Quality of Life at the Workplace (in Spanish) recorded less than 16%. In terms of shift work, employees prefer to work permanent morning, afternoon or night shifts over having more flexible arrangements. |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |
| Luxembourg | In Luxembourg, work schedules are closely regulated. Under the Labour Code, working time cannot exceed 40 hours a week and eight hours a day, apart from exceptions specified for different sectors or under collective agreements. In practice, 78% of employees work five days a week with an average working week of just over 38 hours. Some 68% of workers have fixed starting and finishing times. |
| Sweden | In Sweden, the 40-hour, five-day working week is the most common category (with 46% of employees working 39–41 hours a week), but is not really a norm. Some 66% of employees work the same number of days each week, and 45% the same number of hours (EWCS). |
| Belgium | In Belgium, around 60% of those in employment work some form of full-time day and, while evening and weekend work has increased slightly, shift working has fallen significantly. |
| Denmark | In Denmark, most people tend to work a five-day week and most collective agreements specify a 37-hour working week. There is a high degree of flexibility in working arrangements, however, and only 34% of people report that they work the same hours every day. |
| France | No details available. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |
| Germany | In Germany, 73% of employees work a five-day week and 41% work between 39 and 41 hours. Most collective agreements set an upper and lower limit on regular working time, often designed to deal with seasonal variations in sectors such as hotels, restaurants and catering, or agriculture and fishing. However, the number of hours worked a day differ for some 43% of the people surveyed (EWCS). A study of collective agreements in 24 sectors of economic activity, published by the Institute for Economic and Social Research (Wirtschafts- und Sozialwissenschaftliches Institut, WSI) in 2005, also indicated that work schedules vary considerably between different areas of the economy: the norm being a five-day Monday-to-Friday week in metalworking, construction and financial services; five days between Monday and Saturday in retailing; and one rest day out of seven working days in postal services. |
| Norway | In Norway, 71% of employees reported their working time to be between 06.00 and 18.00, and data from the EWCS indicate that the five-day working week is by far the most typical, covering 64% of employees. However, the standard working time norm is 37.5 hours a week and not 40 hours, with 44% of employees reporting that they work between 35 and 38 hours. Few changes have seemingly occurred in recent years. |
| Netherlands | In the Netherlands, full-time work is no longer considered standard, with more men as well as women working part time, including working fewer days a week. Working between the hours of 08.00 and 18.00 is still the norm, however, except in sectors such as hotels and restaurants, and public transport. |
Source: Eurostat, LFS, 2006; Parent-Thirion et al, EWCS, 2007; national-level surveys
Non-standard work arrangements
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |
| Greece | In Greece, shift working and/or weekend work is restricted to those sectors of the economy where it is difficult to avoid, such as the tourist industry. Attempts to extend non-standard work schedules – for example, to enable shops to open on Sundays – have been resisted, notably by smaller shopkeepers. |
| Poland | In Poland, it is reported that employers are increasingly interested in promoting non-standard work arrangements in order to expand their productive capacity. |
| Hungary | In Hungary, shift working in manufacturing is commonplace. However, the LFS indicates that 24% of employees in retail and repair, 50% in hotels and restaurants, as well as 27% in manufacturing carry out some evening, night and weekend working. The Trade Union of Commercial Employees (Kereskedelmi Alkalmazottak Szakszervezerete, KASZ) has launched several campaigns over the past decade against weekend shop opening hours. |
| Czech Republic | In the Czech Republic, there does not appear to have been any significant growth in non-standard working arrangements, except in sectors where shift working is required (including tourism), or where there are specific agreements between employers and employees. The number of people working unsocial hours has fallen in recent years, with the largest number of people working atypical hours found in distribution, repair work, manufacturing and construction. Non-standard working arrangements are more common among older self-employed persons than among employees. Several reasons are given for people working unsocial hours – the desire to increase earnings, the nature of the sector or work, labour shortages or professional obligations (for example, in the case of doctors). |
| Estonia | No details available. |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |
| Latvia | In Latvia, non-standard working arrangements are considered to be popular with both employers and employees in all sectors where it is possible to apply them. However, a requirement of the Labour Code – to include relevant information in a written employment contract – is often circumvented through verbal agreements, or through the use of service contracts, which are only subject to the Civil Code. Weekend working and other forms of non-standard working are not only due to seasonal factors, but also to the nature of various service sectors. |
| Ireland | In Ireland, non-standard working has expanded in many areas of economic activity, but particularly in retailing, with longer shop opening hours. Although these changes may have been driven by business interests, they have also been welcomed by people, notably women, who are seeking more flexible working arrangements. Seasonal influences on working time patterns remain important, not only in tourism but also in agriculture and the food industry. |
| Romania | In Romania, the extent of night working has remained broadly unchanged, at around 11.5% of total employment, with the highest concentration in healthcare (39%), catering (27%) and energy (24%). The proportion of Romanian workers who report that they never work nights, according to the EWCS 2005, is only half the EU average, with some 39% of workers reporting that they work more than five evenings a month. Some 75% of Romanian workers work Saturdays, although agriculture accounts for nearly half of the people concerned. Moreover, the high levels of weekend working in agriculture and retailing are partly attributable to high levels of self-employment in these sectors. |
| Cyprus | In Cyprus, non-standard working arrangements are generally only found in areas of the economy where there is no real alternative – such as seasonal tourism. |
| Lithuania | In Lithuania, the proportion of employees working nights, evenings and weekends seems to be close to the EU average. However, rapid economic growth has led to more non-standard working arrangements in areas where this is not strictly necessary, such as in retailing and construction. Such changes are judged to be driven by business concerns rather than a desire to improve work–life balance. |
| Italy | In Italy, the ISFOL QWS indicates that self-employed people work nights more frequently than employees (18% compared with 14%) and that many more men work nights than women (19% compared with 7%), partly as a result of 1977 legislation which effectively discourages night work among women. Differences between the work patterns of self-employed individuals and those of employees is even more marked in relation to Sunday working (46% compared with 22%) and men are also twice as likely to work Sundays as women. |
| UK | No details available. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |
| Malta | In Malta, the majority of those working atypical hours are shop owners and their staff as well as those employed in catering. The number of people working non-standard hours also varies seasonally in response to tourism fluctuations. Only 10% of those employed consider that their working hours are inconvenient for their lifestyles (NSO study on working time, 2005), even though non-standard working appears to be spreading with the expansion of the private sector. |
| Portugal | In Portugal, a 2006 study on restaurants found night working to be common for 53% of employees, with 81% reporting that they work on Saturdays and 68% on Sundays. A third of those interviewed reported split-shift working, where they work both morning and afternoon shifts, separated by a long break. |
| Slovakia | In Slovakia, nearly 60% of those employed work on Saturdays and 37% on Sundays at least some of the time. This occurs in many sectors of the economy and is essentially driven by demand. Employees do not appear to be opposed to such atypical types of work, with 75% of those working Saturdays, 70% of those working Sundays, and 86% of those working evenings considering these arrangements to be satisfactory. |
| Slovenia | In Slovenia, non-standard working time arrangements are found in the manufacturing sector, in particular two or three-shift systems, reflecting technological or organisational requirements. They also exist in some market services – restaurants, tourism and personal services. No evidence is available of any particular changes in these areas. In the public sector, standard working hours still persist. Nevertheless, there are some limited examples of change, with, for example, shift working in publicly-provided childcare. |
| Finland | Working time arrangements in Finland have become much more flexible since the deep recession of the early 1990s. Collective agreements now provide opportunities to tailor working arrangements to the needs of both employers and employees at the local level. One recent priority – to encourage and assist older workers to remain in the labour market – has led to imaginative new schemes for this group, such as three weeks of working followed by one week off. Non-standard working in Finland varies significantly between sectors, with morning or evening work in agriculture, transport and retailing, and regular night work in transport, hotels, restaurants and catering, as well as health and social services. |
| Austria | In Austria, about 13% of employees regularly work evenings, although this proportion rises to almost 40% in the hotels, restaurants and catering sector. Weekend working is also common in this sector, as well as in commerce and health and social services. |
| Bulgaria | In Bulgaria, the spread of standard working time is the result of a number of factors: the construction sector boom which increased weekend as well as weekday working; the deregulation of working hours in retailing; and the high level of self-employment in the expanding tourist industry as well as in agriculture. As a result, some 59% of workers sometimes work Saturdays, and 39% sometimes work Sundays. |
| Spain | No details available. |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |
| Luxembourg | No details available. |
| Sweden | In Sweden, the proportion of employees working weekends and mornings has remained relatively unchanged for two decades, while the numbers of people working evenings has increased. This is especially the case among manual workers, notably in construction, but also in manufacturing. More men than women work non-standard hours – 63% of men work non-standard hours at least one day a week (and 23% every day) compared with 56% of women (12% every day). Non-standard working hours are most commonly found in personal and cultural services, manufacturing, retailing, communications and healthcare, with 65% or more workers working non-standard hours at least one day a week. In manufacturing, 35% of those employed work non-standard hours every day. |
| Belgium | In Belgium, non-standard work is generally limited to those sectors and activities where it is difficult to avoid, although the government has introduced tax incentives to encourage flexible working arrangements as part of its strategy to improve competitiveness. Non-standard work is particularly important in healthcare, but early and late working is also expanding in relation to activities such as cleaning and security. The issue of shop opening hours is still being debated, although some controls in this regard have been relaxed. |
| Denmark | In Denmark, the proportion of people working ‘unsocial hours’ is relatively large, with 82% of self-employed workers and 55% of employees regularly working such hours. According to a 2005 report by the Danish Working Environment Authority (Arbejdstilsynet), this mainly occurs where workers are in contact with the general public. It is more common for men to work in the evenings and at night than women. However, much the same proportion (69%) of men and women who work at night find it convenient for their personal lives, as do 72% of those who work weekends. |
| France | No details available. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |
| Germany | In Germany, 60% of people do not generally work in the evenings, but 24% work more than five evenings a month and another 16% work up to five evenings a month. As regards weekend working, almost half of workers (48%) report that they do not work at all on Saturdays, but 37% work at least one Saturday a month, and 15% work three or more Saturdays a month. Sunday is generally regarded as a rest days in Germany and only 18% of people regularly work on this day. |
| Norway | In Norway, around 30% of people work outside regular hours, generally doing shifts, which involve 22% of all employees. Non-standard working time arrangements are most common in sectors where they are difficult to avoid. Overall, a modest increase can be seen in the amount of non-standard working, but mainly in those sectors where it was already well established. |
| Netherlands | In the Netherlands, non-standard time working – evening, night and weekend work – is mainly limited to sectors of the economy where it is difficult to avoid, unless employers and employees choose this option. |
Source: Eurostat, LFS, 2006; Parent-Thirion et al, EWCS, 2007; national-level surveys
Organisation of work
| Countries with the longest annual working hours | |
| Greece | In Greece, while working time is negotiated collectively, the organisation of work is seen essentially as a managerial prerogative, with flexibility generally considered to work to the advantage of the employer rather than the employee. No major differences are observed between types of jobs, or between men and women in terms of ability to organise their work. |
| Poland | In Poland, the EWCS reports that 79% of employees consider that they have no influence over their working time arrangements, with the main exceptions being those in more senior professional positions. Evidence of bad practice – seen as ‘negative flexibility’ – is presented by the National Labour Inspectorate (Państwowa Inspekcja Pracy, PIP) which monitors working time arrangements. Its 2006 annual report documents a range of abuses, such as: non-payment of overtime hours; failure to provide compensatory days off or rest periods; or exceeding legal overtime limits. |
| Hungary | In Hungary, there is some flexibility regarding work starting and finishing times. Moreover, working time ‘banking’ is specifically addressed in some company-level collective agreements, but the extent of this practice is limited. Case studies suggest that flexibility is generally introduced in the interests of employers. LFS results suggest that non-manual workers can influence their work schedules more than manual workers, but no differences are noted between public and private sector employees or between men and women. |
| Czech Republic | In the Czech Republic, employees have only limited flexibility with regard to working time arrangements. ‘Working on call’ is regarded as a potentially problematic form of flexibility. However, this form of work currently applies to very few (3.5%) employees, and basic parameters and limits for such arrangements are laid down in the Labour Code and collective agreements. The ‘banking’ of hours is seldom practiced, but this could change with the introduction of employee ‘working time accounts’ in particular with respect to home working and self-employment. |
| Estonia | In Estonia, higher status employees, such as managers and officials, have more possibility to determine their working arrangements than, for example, machine operators. On the other hand, unskilled workers are reported to have more possibilities than skilled workers – 17% compared with 6%. According to LFS data, 26% of workers in agriculture and fishing are able to plan their own work schedules. As regards positive and negative flexibility, a Working Life Barometer report in 2005 in Estonia reported that 70% of part-time work is carried out voluntarily, and that 59% of ‘teleworkers’ and 42% of part-time workers are satisfied with their flexibility arrangements. |
| Countries with above average annual working hours | |
| Latvia | In Latvia, the extent to which individual workers can influence their working time arrangements is seen to depend partly on the nature of the work (notably the extent to which it involves team working or contact with customers), and partly on the attitude of the employer. While it is recognised that people with higher ranking or better paid jobs generally have more control over their working arrangements, this advantage is often counter-balanced by more extensive obligations. |
| Ireland | No details available. |
| Romania | In Romania, 85% of employees state that their work schedules are set by their employer, with 30% of employees reporting that these schedules change daily (nearly twice the average EU rate). Work schedules in the public sector are seen to be much more predictable than in the private sector. |
| Cyprus | In Cyprus, it is uncommon for employees to set their own work starting and finishing times in either the private or public sector, and there are very limited opportunities to bank working hours. As in other countries, those with higher status jobs may have greater flexibility, but often at the cost of working longer hours. The opportunities for flexible working arrangements are considered to be greater in the private sector than in the public sector. |
| Lithuania | In Lithuania, rigidity of working time is considered to be much more prevalent than flexibility, with the banking of hours, for example, being largely unknown. According to a 2006 survey ‘Attractive workplace for all’, ‘ordinary workers and experts are normally required to adhere strictly to the working time order’. Insofar as there is flexibility, it is considered to be greater in the private than in the public sector. |
| Italy | In Italy, according to a 2004 survey by the National Institute for Statistics (Istituto Nazionale di Statistica, Istat) on working time organisation, 27.5% of workers enjoy flexible work arrangements to some extent, with nearly 8% of them on ‘individual time accounts’, 6% on individual agreements, and 4% able to exercise full flexibility regarding working time. Outside of agriculture (where over 40% of workers report having some form of flexibility), the highest amount of working time flexibility can be found in personal services (36% of workers) and business services (33%). Flexible working arrangements are most common for those working relatively short hours each week (less than 15 hours) or relatively long hours (over 40 hours). Types of arrangements vary by company size and, overall, working time flexibility tends to increase with occupational status. According to the 2006 ‘Changing work’ survey by IRES, around a third of flexible working time arrangements are determined unilaterally by the employer; over a quarter through collective agreements; over a quarter through individual agreements; and only some 12.5% decided mainly by employees. |
| UK | In the UK, senior executives and professionals are seen as having the most control over their working time. Nevertheless, they also tend to work the longest hours, with formal flexitime arrangements mainly applying to non-manual and public sector employees in large organisations. According to the WERS 2004 managerial survey, provisions are in place for flexible working arrangements in a large proportion of UK workplaces. For example: 70% of workplaces have provisions enabling employees to reduce hours from full time to part time; 35% offer flexitime; 31% job sharing; and 26% homeworking. However, it is less clear to what extent the possibilities are taken up by employees in practice. |
| Countries with average annual working hours | |
| Malta | In Malta, NSO statistics for 2006 show that, while 31% of the working population can modify their normal working hours for family reasons by at least one hour, some 44% cannot, a disproportionate number of these being women. Likewise, the fourth EWCS reports that 73% of Maltese workers have fixed starting and finishing times, and that 83% have no possibility of making changes. The ‘banking’ of hours seems to be seldom practiced, with more than half of both male and female employees reporting that it is not possible to work extra hours on particular days in order to take other days off for family reasons. As in other countries, non-manual and professional workers have more possibilities than others to control working hours. |
| Portugal | In Portugal, according to the 2005 EWCS, the working schedules of some 86% of employees are set by their employers with no possibility for change. Both the EWCS and the LFS report very small proportions of employees having self-determined work schedules, and the possibility of ‘banking’ hours is available to less than 1% of employees. Flexible arrangements are viewed as being primarily designed to suit the needs of employers; however, no surveys appear to exist to verify this. |
| Slovakia | In Slovakia, only around 1% of employed people have the opportunity to determine their own work schedules. However, 4.5% of men and 6% of women effectively have the opportunity to ‘bank’ hours and take time off at a later stage. The Labour Code obliges employers to negotiate working time issues with employees or their representatives, but employees may not always feel able to insist on their rights. Flexible working time arrangements most commonly apply to those in higher ranking jobs. However, the incidence of such arrangements also varies between sectors of activity, being highest in public administration and defence (38% of employees), financial services (36%) and construction (over 30%). There appear to be no significant differences between men and women. |
| Slovenia | In Slovenia, some 58% of employees have fixed starting and finishing times to their working day (EWCS 2005), normally reflecting the type and organisation of work. It is usually possible to ‘bank’ hours, particularly overtime hours, which can be used later as days off. Self-determined working times are rare (reported by 7% of employees only) and limited to specific professions. Surveys suggest that the incidence of employer forms of flexibility are high, even if agreed with employees or their representatives, and that workers in relatively low-paid jobs in manufacturing and market services are attracted to shift work as a way of increasing their earnings. |
| Finland | Data for Finland indicate that around half of those employed have no fixed starting or finishing times to their working day. While opportunities to ‘bank’ hours are only slightly more prevalent than in the rest of the EU, opportunities to ‘bank’ days are more than double the EU average, applying to around 16% of employees. The opportunity for people to determine their own work schedule is also double the EU average, applying to about 10% of employees, although less to women than men. |
| Austria | In Austria, flexitime agreements have been established under which it is possible to extend normal working hours up to 10 hours a day – for example, to create a four-day, 40-hour working week. However, no information is apparently available on how much these possibilities are used in practice. Under such arrangements, the banking of hours is possible, but with the work schedules generally laid down by the employer. Flexibility is seen to vary primarily with status and occupation, and much less so between men and women. Whether flexibility is viewed as positive or negative depends very much on the particular circumstances in a company. Trade unions suspect, for example, that some part-time working arrangements, in particular ‘just in time’ systems, fail to meet legal requirements. |
| Bulgaria | In Bulgaria, most workers (73%) have fixed working times, with arrangements set by employers in 92% of cases, and little opportunity for employees to choose between different fixed working time schedules, adapt working hours or fix their own hours of work (EWCS). A report on ‘Combining employment and family life’, published in 2005 by the National Statistical Institute (Национален Статистически Институт, NSI), suggests, however, that for 25% of employees it is usually possible to change working hours and to take time off for family reasons, while for 35% it is impossible to do so. The Agency for Social Analyses, through the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), also reports that around a third of people (women and men) wish to do more paid work. |
| Spain | In Spain, nearly 79% of employees have fixed starting and finishing times to the working day, with fewer having some form of flexibility regarding working arrangements than elsewhere in the EU. Obstacles to flexibility include traditions such as long lunches, a division of jobs by gender and reluctance by employers to address work–life balance issues through collective bargaining, preferring to treat matters on an individual basis. A range of public policy initiatives have, however, been undertaken, with some agreements between the social partners designed to improve flexibility and address issues of work–life balance and gender equality, including a pilot project on ‘teleworking’ in the public sector. |
| Countries with below average annual working hours | |
| Luxembourg | In Luxembourg, 65% of workers consider that they have little flexibility with respect to their working time (EWCS 2005). About 10% of employees can ‘bank’ hours, around 1% can ‘bank’ days and 3% can determine their own schedules of work, with no major differences found between women and men. Whether flexibility is seen as positive or negative appears to vary by sector. In financial services, hours are designed to suit both employers and employees, while in industry they are more likely to be determined by the production system in place. A 1995 study conducted by the Centre for Population, Poverty and Socioeconomic Policy Studies (Centre d’Études de Populations, de Pauvreté et de Politiques Socio-Economiques/International Networks for Studies in Technology, Environment, Alternatives, Development, CEPS/INSTEAD) indicated that part-time working arrangements were easier to introduce in the public sector and that new social measures to achieve a better work–life balance were most likely to appear in this sector first. |
| Sweden | In Sweden, 60% of employees have fixed starting and finishing times for work. Overall, 40% have some flexibility in arranging their working time. While over a third of employees cannot change their working times, 44% can (within certain limits) and 14% can determine these themselves. According to a study conducted by LO, higher-paid employees have much greater flexibility than lower-paid workers, with 92% of employees with earnings of €4,000 or more a month having flexible working time compared with 31% of those earning less than €1,700. Moreover, the ‘banking’ of hours is considered to be common among employees. |
| Belgium | In Belgium, the ability to influence starting and finishing times applies to only a limited number of workers, although around 30% of employers have introduced some arrangement of this kind. Surveys among employees indicate a strong preference for working fewer days and a dislike of variable working time schedules set by employers. Flexible working arrangements seem to be more common in private services than in the public sector. |
| Denmark | In Denmark, employees are seen to have more flexibility in organising their working time than those in other parts of the EU. Nevertheless, 56% of those employed have fixed starting and finishing times, and 34% work the same number of hours each day. Only around 1% of employees have the possibility of ‘banking’ hours, but some 18% are able to ‘bank’ days, with little difference between men and women in this regard. Again, those in higher-level jobs have more possibilities (half of men and a third of women) to influence their working time arrangements than those in lower-level positions (20% or less of those concerned). |
| France | In France, available evidence indicates that only 13% of employees have no choice concerning working hours and holidays, 16% have total choice, and some 70% have some measure of choice regarding holidays. As regards flexibility generally, working time legislation has introduced the possibility of ‘banking’ working hours. However, this option appears to have been taken by only 6% of employers, and less than half of these have introduced the provision in practice. |
| Countries with the shortest annual working hours | |
| Germany | In Germany, only around 2% of employees are believed to be able to determine their work schedules, as indicated in the 2004 LFS, with around 50% of women and 45% of men having fixed starting and finishing hours for work. A significant proportion of employees are covered, however, by schemes that enable them to ‘bank’ working hours (19% men, 18% women) or days (21% men, 17.5% women), although the incidence of such schemes varies considerably between sectors. According to a 2004 study on flexible working time arrangements, carried out by the Association of German Chambers of Industry and Commerce (Deutscher Industrie- und Handelskammertag, DIHK), nearly two thirds of companies had flexible working time arrangements, with 40% providing flexible weekly hours – the most common and popular type of arrangement. Such arrangements are most common in insurance (50%), hotels and restaurants (47%) and retailing (43%).The second most popular form of flexible working arrangement is ‘flexitime’, allowing for variable hours around fixed core working hours. Flexitime is used by a third of companies overall. More specifically, this arrangement is applied in 75% of companies in printing and electrical engineering, but in less than 20% of companies in retailing and less than 10% in construction. With regard to construction companies, according to a report on the sector, ‘annual working time accounts’ (with hours booked over a year-long period) are the preferred option of over 50% of the companies surveyed because of the seasonal nature of the work. |
| Norway | In Norway, as the EWCS 2005 indicates, over 60% of employees are able to partially or fully adapt their working time. However, the proportion of employees reporting that they actually work flexible times is smaller than in the other Nordic countries. This finding is supported by the Norwegian survey of living conditions in 2006, conducted by Statistics Norway (Statistisk sentralbyrås, SSB), which suggests that some 30% of employees work a form of regulated flexitime. It should be noted that, as of the beginning of 2006, employees under the Working Environment Act are entitled to work flexible hours, provided that this can be accomplished without major inconvenience to the company. Working time accounts are common – applying to 32% of men and 27% of women employed – with similar numbers reporting that they are able to ‘bank’ hours or days. The proportion of employees able to fully determine their hours of work is, however, slightly below the EU average and less than half the levels in Sweden and Denmark (at just under 6%). No clear evidence is available on whether flexible working has positive or negative effects. However, the healthcare sector seems to be one in which the ‘part-time culture’ meets the needs of the great majority of employees. |
| Netherlands | In the Netherlands, flexible working time arrangements are common with respect to office work, including the possibility of negotiating four working days of nine hours each, to make up a 36-hour working week. The ‘banking’ of hours is considered uncommon, but this arrangement is sometimes used to meet seasonal variations in workloads. The opportunity to fully determine personal work schedules is mainly limited to homeworkers and ‘teleworkers’. To prevent abuse of flexible working arrangements – as regards, for example, ‘on-call’ workers (who account for under 2% of all employees) or temporary workers (3% of all employees) – a Law on flexibility and security was passed in 1999. Nevertheless, it is reported that some employers still seem to abuse such arrangements. |
Source: Eurostat, LFS, 2006; Parent-Thirion et al, EWCS, 2007; national-level surveys
Annex 7 – Average usual hours worked by employees
These tables on working time in the EU (Eurostat and LFI) are available on the Eurofound website.
Annex 8 – Country codes and abbreviations
| Country code | Country name |
|---|---|
| AT | Austria |
| BE | Belgium |
| BG | Bulgaria |
| CY | Cyprus |
| CZ | Czech Republic |
| DE | Germany |
| DK | Denmark |
| EE | Estonia |
| EL | Greece |
| ES | Spain |
| FI | Finland |
| FR | France |
| HU | Hungary |
| IE | Ireland |
| IT | Italy |
| LT | Lithuania |
| LU | Luxembourg |
| LV | Latvia |
| MT | Malta |
| NL | Netherlands |
| NO | Norway |
| PL | Poland |
| PT | Portugal |
| RO | Romania |
| SE | Sweden |
| SI | Slovenia |
| SK | Slovakia |
| UK | United Kingdom |
Country abbreviations used
EU15 – 15 EU Member States before May 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom)
EU25 – EU15 and the 10 Member States that joined the EU in May 2004
EU27 – 27 EU Member States, comprising the EU15, the 10 new Member States that joined the EU in May 2004, in addition to Bulgaria and Romania, which joined the EU in January 2007
John Morley and Fadila Sanoussi, Applica, with Isabella Biletta and Felix Wolf, Eurofound
EF/09/95/EN
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