EMCC European Monitoring Centre on Change

United Kingdom: Young people and temporary employment in Europe

  • Observatory: EMCC
  • Topic:
  • Published on: 08 December 2013



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Within the UK young workers on temporary contracts are treated the same as those who have had permanent employment for the purposes of access to benefits and health care. The most controversial form of temporary work for young workers forms part of the welfare to work package introduced by the coalition government. The Confederation of British Industry supports the employer incentives to take on young people for work placement, work experience, mandatory employment scheme and apprenticeships. Unions oppose the requirement to work for benefits, though they support the provision of high quality apprenticeships that result in permanent employment.

Introduction

Youth unemployment has been a persistent problem in many parts of Europe for many years. Over the past 3-4 years, however, since the onset of the financial crisis and the economic recession which followed, it has become an even greater and more widespread problem and one which, given the on-going depressed state of the European economies, is likely to remain for some time to come. The latest monthly figures (for September 2012) show the unemployment rate of those aged 15-24 averaging 22.8% in the EU – just over 1 percentage point higher than at the time a year earlier. In Spain, the figure was over 54% and in Greece, 57%, in both cases, much higher than a year earlier. In the worst affected countries, therefore, as in most Member States, there is very little sign of any easing of the youth unemployment problem. There are, however, a few exceptions. In Germany, in particular, youth unemployment has declined since the global recession hit in 2009 and now stands at only 8%, well below the level it was before the recession. In Norway too, the rate is only 8%, though this is slightly above the level in 2007 before the crisis. Germany, apart, there are two other countries in the EU with youth unemployment below 10% according to the latest monthly figures - the Netherlands (9.4%) and Austria (9.9%). As in Norway, in both cases, the rate is above the pre-crisis level.

Moreover, young people who do manage to find jobs often have to settle for a temporary one, defined as one with a fixed-term contract of employment. According to the European Labour Force Survey (LFS), in 2011, just under 43% of employees under 25 were in temporary jobs in the EU and well over half in Germany (56%), France (55%), Portugal, (57%), Sweden (57%), Spain (63%), Poland (66%) and Slovenia (75%). (In Norway, the figure was much lower than in most EU countries, at around 24 %.) While around 40% of the young people concerned on average were in temporary jobs because they had a fixed-term training contract and another 9% were on probationary contracts, a substantial proportion (37% on average) were in temporary jobs because they were unable to find permanent ones. In the Czech Republic, Cyprus and Portugal, this figure was over 75% and in Spain and Slovakia, well over 80%.

Among young people making the transition from education or initial vocational training into employment, the proportion who take up temporary rather than permanent jobs is much higher than for the age group as a whole. In 2011, 57% of those aged 15-24 in employment who were in education the previous year were in temporary jobs in the EU and 86-87% in Spain, Portugal and Poland. For those moving from unemployment into employment, the proportion who take up temporary jobs is even higher on average in the EU (61%) as well as in Spain (90%).

The fact that a relatively large proportion of young people in employment are in temporary jobs may be a reason why they have been hit disproportionately hard by the crisis. In the economic downturn in 2009, many of the people who lost their jobs first were on fixed-term contracts since not renewing these contracts represented the easiest way for employers to reduce their work forces. In 2009, therefore, there was some decline across Europe in the proportion of young people in work employed in temporary jobs (see the Tables attached to the questionnaire). Since then, there has been some tendency for the proportion to increase again, in part perhaps because employers are reluctant to take on people on permanent - or standard – contracts given the uncertainty about future economic prospects.

Given the above, it is understandable that there is growing public interest, and some concern, over the nature of the jobs that young people are taking up. This concern is mirrored at EU-level where a ‘flexicurity’ approach to labour market policy has increasingly been advocated, which, in practice, means that while flexibility is an important objective, it needs to be accompanied by protection of workers’ interests if it is not to lead to a growth of precarious employment in low quality jobs. Accordingly, there is a need to obtain a better understanding of the terms and conditions applying to temporary jobs, the extent to which they are a stepping stone to permanent jobs and a working career in line with a person’s qualifications and capabilities, the access to social protection which comes with them and the measures in place to encourage employers to convert them into more stable jobs. These issues form the focus of the present study.

Definition of temporary jobs

The interest in the study is in all young people employed in temporary jobs of whatever kind, in the sense of all jobs that they are not subject to a standard contract of employment which is normally one of indeterminate length, or at least one for which no specific length is specified. Such temporary jobs can be for a period of training (i.e. traineeships or apprenticeships) or probation, intended to enable employers to check the suitability or aptitude of people for the jobs concerned. They might also be to replace someone on maternity leave or on a training programme or they might relate to a specific project of fixed duration.

All such jobs and others which are of fixed duration should be covered, whether they are part-time or full-time and irrespective of whether they are specifically for young people (such as perhaps in the case of traineeships or apprenticeships) or for people of all ages which young people happen to be doing. In some cases, it should be noted, it is relevant to include, in addition, to temporary employees, the ‘bogus’ self-employed – i.e. those people who have self-employment status but who are contracted to work for a single employer and who are effectively similar to employees who have a fixed-term contract of employment. (The cases in question relate to instances where employers use self-employment contracts as a means of employing young people without bearing the costs, and obligations, of a standard contract of employment.)

Outline of study

The study is divided in three sections. The first is concerned with the main types of job in which young people who are employed under temporary contracts work and the reasons why employers choose to use temporary contracts of employment instead of standard ones when they take on young people, as well as with the link, if any, with labour market conditions (i.e. with the extent to which the crisis has led to an increase in temporary employment). The starting point is the data summarised above, derived from the LFS, which indicate the relative number of young people employed on temporary contracts in the different European countries and the way that this has changed over the recent past (these data, as noted, are set out in the tables attached to the questionnaire). Correspondents are asked to check these data against any national data on temporary employment and to indicate where these show a different picture from the LFS data, perhaps because a different definition is adopted of temporary jobs.

Any description or commentary on national statistics should, however, remain brief, since the main task of the first section, is to review and summarise relevant sources of information on the different kinds of temporary contract under which young people are employed in each of the countries, the circumstances and areas (the types of job and the sectors of activity) in which they tend to be used and the main reasons why employers adopt them.

The second section is concerned with the access to social benefits which temporary jobs provide, distinguishing between the various kinds of benefit, and with the extent to which entitlement to benefit differs for young people employed in temporary jobs from that for those employed under standard contracts of employment. It should be emphasised that the concern is not only with the formal regulations which apply, which in many if not most countries do not make a formal distinction between temporary jobs and others, but also with de facto entitlement which stems from the nature of temporary employment. In particular, young people in temporary jobs may have difficulty in complying with the need to have a continuous period in employment, or a continuous record of paying social contributions, in order to be eligible for unemployment benefit.

The third section is concerned with the measures in place to regulate the use of temporary contracts of employment (such as specifying the number of times they can be renewed), with the attitudes of government and the social partners towards their use and with the incentives which exist to encourage the wider use of standard contracts of employment and the conversion of temporary jobs into permanent ones. A particular point of interest is the extent to which regulations and attitudes as regards temporary jobs have changed over the crisis period as the number of jobs available for young people to take up has diminished and as expanding these has become a policy priority.

A final point to note is that while it is customary to define youth employment (and unemployment) in terms of those aged 15-24, it is also the case that many of those aged 25-29 are also employed in temporary jobs, as indicated in the attached tables. Correspondents are therefore asked to extend the coverage of the study to this age group where relevant. It is recognised that in some countries the statistics available may not relate precisely to the age groups specified here, in which case correspondents should report on the age groups nearest to these.

Questionnaire

1. Importance of temporary employment for young people

1.1. Do the figures shown in the attached tables (on the number of temporary employed as a % of total employees based on Eurostat LFS data) give a reliable indication of the scale of temporary employment among the young in your country and the way that it has changed over recent years? Are there young people employed in temporary jobs who do not show up in the Eurostat figures? Are there national statistics which show a different picture from the Eurostat data? If so, please indicate what they show and give the source of the data.

The Eurostat data are indicative of the scale of temporary employment in the United Kingdom. It is not possible to differentiate between true self-employment and bogus self-employment and therefore individuals that experience bogus self-employment are not included in the figures. Additionally those on government mandatory work schemes are not included in the figures as they are recorded as unemployed and claiming Job Seekers Allowance.

1.2. Is there any evidence that other forms of employment are used as a substitute for temporary contracts, such as bogus self-employment where young people are contracted to provide services to a single work provider in a continuous manner so acting de facto as employees? If so, please give the source of the evidence and indicate the scale of the phenomenon in terms of the number of people concerned.

In the construction sector there is a practice of designating workers as self-employed rather than employees even where individuals work on a continuous basis for a single employer. A study commissioned by the construction industry union UCATT estimated between 375,750 and 433,000 people were in bogus self-employment in the construction industry in 2008 accounting for almost 20% of employment in the sector (Harvey and Behling , 2008). There are no figures on the level of 16-24 year olds or 24-29 year olds.

1.3. Please list (and give summary details, i.e. purpose and duration of the contract) the most common contract types or contractual arrangements under which young people are employed on a temporary basis (such as for traineeships, apprenticeships, probationary periods, replacement of workers on leave or projects of a fixed duration). What is the relative importance of each type of contract or arrangement in terms of the number of young people employed under them?

Casual work accounts for 35% of all temporary employment for 16-24 year olds. Casual workers are sometimes used interchangeably with agency workers to cover short and long term absence, to cover seasonal variation in work and to cover some project work.

Zero Hours: Contracts for a fixed or indefinite period in which workers’ hours are varied from a base contractual entitlement of zero. Such arrangements have been common in retail, hospitality and finance sectors and are being introduced to the public sector. It is not possible to identify the number of workers employed on zero hour's contracts. There is some overlap between casual work and zero hours contracts because some employers offer workers on these contracts employee status (which casual workers generally do not have).

Fixed term contracts: Contracts of employment that give a specific end date to the employment relationship. They typically last up to 4 years. These account for thirty percent of all temporary employment for 16-24 year olds.

Temporary agency work: Temporary agency work is used to cover short term absence, long term absence, for project work and also as a replacement for permanent employment. Temporary agency work accounts for 1.7% of employment for 16-24 year olds in the UK or 14.6% of temporary employment for 16-24 year olds (Labour Force Survey 2012).

Seasonal work: The purpose of seasonal contracts is to cover peaks in work such as the increase in sales in retail over the Christmas period. Typically contracts last 1 to 3 months. This accounts for 9.4% of all temporary employment for 16-24 year olds

Apprenticeships: The purpose of apprenticeships is to provide a period of training mainly aimed at young workers to allow them to access skilled occupations. They cover a range of areas of the economy including the traditional craft areas of plumbing and other construction trades as well as areas such as hairdressing. There is a lower minimum wage rate for apprentices of £2.65 per hour.

Internships: Internships in the UK can be paid or unpaid, though the legality of unpaid apprenticeships remains unclear in the UK.

Bogus self-employment: Within the construction arena in particular there is a practice of bogus self-employment where individuals work for a single contractor but are working on a self-employed basis. Such arrangements are considered widespread but there is no official data on how many young workers are affected.

Mandatory work scheme / work experience placements: Following the implementation of the New Deal for Young People in 1998 18-24 year olds who claimed Job Seekers Allowance for 10 months were required to enter a period of full time training or work experience. This policy was replaced by the work experience and work programme introduced by the coalition government. These programmes are targeted at people that are not in education, training or employment, or that are unemployed for 9 months. They last between 4 and 26 weeks and require participants to engage in employment or risk losing their benefits. In total 23,000 people between 16 and 24 were in receipt of a training allowance (June 2011). Because most people remain on Job Seekers Allowance during the work placement it is not possible to identify the total number of people on the schemes.

1.4. Please indicate the main reasons for the emergence and development of the different types of temporary contract which you have listed in response to question 1.3. To what extent are they linked to particular conditions in the labour market or employment protection legislation/regulation in your country? What is the main attraction of such contracts to employers? What effect has the crisis had on the use of such contracts?

Casual work has been a long term part of the UK labour market. Casual workers are not classed as “employees” and are therefore excluded from protective employment legislation. For example casual workers do not have the right to claim unfair dismissal.

Zero hours contracts became a feature of employment in the United Kingdom in the 1980’s and 1990’s. Whilst they were predominantly limited to low skilled work in the service and finance sectors there were proposals to increase their use within high skilled areas of the public sector in 2012. Employers identify a number of reasons for using these contracts including the lower cost, the ability to change hours quickly in response to the changing manpower needs of the business, ease of covering absence and staff shortage amongst others. Supply chain pressure and the need to meet procurement requirements have increased their use in sub-contracted work such as cleaning.

Fixed term contracts are often used where funding for a particular kind of work is precarious, for projects and to cover long term absence or maternity leave.

Temporary agency work has been an important part of the UK labour market for over a decade. It is used for many of the same reasons as casual workers are used. After 12 weeks of continuous employment temporary agency workers must receive equal pay and conditions to permanent workers.

Seasonal work: The purpose of seasonal contracts is to cover peaks in work such as the increase in sales in retail over the Christmas period. Typically contracts last 1 to 3 months. They are attractive to employers because they are able to cover peaks in demand with flexible labour.

Apprenticeships: The purpose of an apprenticeship is to train an individual in a set of skills related to a role or industry. Apprentices may be paid a lower national minimum wage than other employees which provides an incentive to employers. They also receive either government or employer sponsored training in the area of their apprenticeship. Some employers choose to employ apprentices because they provide low cost labour; others see apprenticeships as an investment in their industry and as a way of growing an internal pool or talent.

Internships: Internships are used to give people work experience. Many are unpaid. Some employers argue that they can be used as a recruitment tool to select candidates that show promise. There has been an increase in internships over the last decade, including the period of the crisis.

Bogus self-employment is used to avoid tax and national insurance contributions. It moves many of the risks associated with employing people from the company to the individual. Bogus self-employment is linked to exclusion from entitlement to benefits related to national insurance contributions and protections related to “employee” status.

Workfare: Workfare schemes have been controversial and a number of high profile employers have withdrawn from them. They were initially introduced to help young people and people that were long term unemployed into training and work. Employers are able to use these schemes to trial workers, often with a guaranteed interview at the end of a 4, 6 or 12 week placement. The number of people on welfare to work schemes has increased over the period of the crisis.

1.5. To what extent are temporary contracts a ‘stepping stone’ to ‘permanent’ jobs (or those with standard contracts of employment of undefined duration)? Are apprentices and trainees typically taken on by the companies or other organisations concerned on standard permanent contracts once they complete their training? Has the situation changed over the crisis period? Please summarise any relevant studies which have been carried out in your country or other evidence at the national level which exists and give the reference to them.

The most rigorous studies into the transition from education to work, and the place of temporary employment, apprenticeships and precarious work in that transition have been carried out by a small number of researchers looking at the experience of young people from Teesside in the UK. There were 3 important studies of almost 200 young people in Kelby, Teeside, an economically deprived area. The young people in the study were economically disadvantaged and most sought vocational training after leaving school. The authors identify that none of the young people in their study entered stable employment following their training scheme . Few found employment related to the area in which they had undertaken training. Young people were required to take part in “welfare to work” programmes, and the authors cite only 10% of participants were still in employment six months after the scheme in the most disadvantaged areas. The research found that “poor” jobs did not act as a stepping stone to permanent work; rather young people were in constant flux moving between short term jobs, courses and work placements and not in the direction of more rewarding or secure work.

Prior to the changes in the welfare to work / workfare schemes the government commissioned research looking at the international evidence that such schemes assist unemployed people in moving into employment. The research concluded that:

"There is little evidence that workfare increases the likelihood of finding work. It can even reduce employment chances by limiting the time available for job search and by failing to provide the skills and experience valued by employers. Subsidised ('transitional') job schemes that pay a wage can be more effective in raising employment levels than 'work for benefit' programmes. Workfare is least effective in getting people into jobs in weak labour markets where unemployment is high."

Following the implementation of the mandatory work scheme there has been an impact assessment by the government which showed a small reduction in the claims for benefits from people who were referred to the scheme (reduction of 8 days compared with those not referred), and no impact on the likelihood of being in employment at the end of the scheme compared with those that were not referred. Following this review the coalition government announced that the mandatory work programme was to be expanded by 10,000 places.

In contrast to the evidence that the mandatory work scheme has little impact on employment of young people, the impact assessment of the work experience scheme showed 28% more young people in employment 21 weeks after starting the scheme than a matched sample that did not start the scheme.

2. Access to social benefits

2.1. Does entitlement of young people to (contributory) unemployment insurance benefits and (non-contributory) unemployment assistance (i.e. benefits, usually means-tested, which provide a minimum level of income) differ if they are employed on temporary contracts as opposed to permanent ones? If so, please indicate briefly the differences in eligibility conditions and any differences between types of temporary contract (including those working as self-employed for a single employer). Have there been any changes over the period of the crisis?

Young people are entitled to Job Seekers Allowance when they are unemployed. If they are unemployed for over 9 months they may be referred to a mandatory work scheme for between 4 and 26 weeks. Workers over 29 are referred after 12 months. Individuals are entitled to contribution based job seekers allowance if they have paid sufficient national insurance contributions. The weekly amount is up to £56.25 for people between 16 and 24 and up to £71 for individuals 25 and over. If they have not paid such contributions they are entitled to income based job seekers allowance which is paid at the same rates. Job seekers allowance is not normally paid to people that are 16 and 17.

2.2. Does entitlement of young people to sickness benefits and maternity benefits differ if they are employed on temporary contracts as opposed to permanent ones? If so, please indicate briefly the differences in eligibility conditions and any differences between types of temporary contract (including those working as self-employed for a single employer). Have there been any changes over the period of the crisis?

To qualify for Statutory Sick Pay (SSP) and Statutory Maternity Pay (SMP) an individual must be an employee, therefore self-employed individuals would not qualify. In order to be eligible for SSP and SMP an employee must earn over £107 per week. This means some part time workers, apprentices and interns fall below the income requirement. There is a qualification period for SMP; however the duration of the contract is not a relevant factor. SSP is paid at £85.85 per week and SMP is paid at 90% of average weekly earnings (AWE) before tax for the first 6 weeks and either £135.45 or 90% of your AWE (whichever is lower) for the following 33 weeks.

If an individual is not entitled to statutory maternity pay they may claim maternity allowance (MA).The level of MA is £135.45 a week or 90% of average weekly earnings (whichever is lower). It’s paid for up to 39 weeks.

Neither SSP nor SMP has changed over the period of the crisis.

2.3. Are there any differences in the entitlement of young people to old-age pensions between those employed in temporary jobs as opposed to permanent ones? If so, please indicate what these are. Have conditions of eligibility to pensions changed over the period of the crisis (including through pension reforms introduced as part of a long-term strategy to improve the financial sustainability of the system)?

There is no difference in pension entitlement if individuals are employees. In the case of apprenticeships and low paid part time work they may not earn sufficient to quality for a pension. This relates to earnings rather than the temporary nature of the job. New employees on temporary and permanent contracts must be auto enrolled into a pension scheme when they start a job in the UK if they earn over 8,105GBP per year.

2.4. Are there any differences in entitlement of young people to health care between those employed in temporary jobs as opposed to permanent ones? If so, please indicate what these are. Have conditions of eligibility to health care changed over the period of the crisis?

No

3. Regulation of temporary contracts and policies to support transitions into permanent contracts

3.1. Please describe briefly the regulations applying to the main types of temporary contract in your country. Do restrictions exist on the maximum duration of the different types of temporary contract for young workers or the number of times they can be renewed? Do these regulations differ by age (i.e. between young people and older workers) and/or by type of temporary contract (as mentioned in question 1.3), by occupation, or by sector of activity? Do special regulations exist for those completing apprenticeships or traineeships? Have the regulations changed over the period of the crisis – i.e. has there been a tendency for them to have been tightened or relaxed?

Different regulation applies to different kinds of temporary contracts in the UK. Casual workers and some seasonal workers are not classed as “employees” but rather as “workers”. They are covered by some limited employment law, but excluded from other protection such as protection from unfair dismissal. Temporary agency workers are covered by legislation which requires that they receive equal treatment with permanent staff after 12 weeks in a placement. There is no limit on the length that an individual can remain an agency worker. There is no limit on the duration of a zero hour's contract, nor do any special provisions apply to them. Fixed term workers are protected by additional legislation which provides that if they are employed for over 4 years that their contract becomes permanent. They are also protected from less favourable treatment compared with permanent staff.

Apprenticeships are treated as distinct from other kinds of employment within the UK and they have particular protection. In order to legally qualify as an apprenticeship a training scheme must offer an apprentice secure wages for the duration of the training, a programme that will allow the individual to acquire valuable skills and the programme must provide employment opportunities in the labour market upon successful completion (Dunk v George Waller and Son [1970]). Modern apprenticeships have expanded beyond the traditional scope of apprenticeships but the courts have accepted that they comply with the requirements laid out above. The regulations provide enhanced protection from dismissal for apprentices as their contract provides secure wages for the duration of the training. There has been no change to these regulations during the crisis.

3.2. Do incentives exists in your country to encourage employers to opt for standard rather than temporary contracts of employment, to convert temporary contracts into permanent ones or to make it easier for employees to move from temporary to permanent contracts? If so, please briefly describe the form that these incentives take. Do they apply equally to young people as well as to older workers? Are any incentives in place to encourage employers to take on young people who have completed an apprenticeship or traineeship on permanent contracts? Have there been any changes to incentives over the period of the crisis? Are any such changes being proposed or being actively discussed at present in your country?

There are no such incentives in the United Kingdom. Incentives do exist to encourage employers to take on apprentices and individuals on mandatory work schemes.

3.3. Is the employment of young people on temporary contracts an important issue of concern for the social partners? Are there strong differences in attitudes and policies between employers and trade unions towards the use of temporary contracts? Have any initiatives been taken by the social partners, either jointly or separately, to encourage the use of permanent rather than temporary contracts? Have any specific initiatives been taken in respect of young people completing apprenticeships or traineeships over the types of job they are offered when their temporary position comes to an end?

Employers are in favour of flexibility and the continued presence of temporary contracts. The Confederation of British Industry (CBI) successfully lobbied for incentives from the government to employ unemployed young people on work placements, work experience and apprenticeships. They have resisted regulation surrounding agency work and other forms of flexible and temporary labour. Employers argue that work placements with guaranteed interviews at the end of the placement provide young people with valuable experience that will assist them in gaining employment.

Unions have lobbied for high quality apprenticeship provision with high quality job opportunities for young people upon completion. They have criticised the mandatory employment schemes and forms of temporary employment that they consider to be a poverty trap for young workers. They identify differences between different kinds of temporary contract, arguing that some apprenticeships provide valuable training opportunities, while other kinds of flexible work such as casual work, zero hours contracts and temporary agency work are often precarious and poor quality jobs.

Some trade unions have successfully negotiated with employers to minimise the use of temporary employment, or to encourage employers to move from more precarious forms of temporary work to apprenticeships. For example Community trade union has successfully negotiated an agreement for an employer to stop using agency workers and to instead take on apprentices that would be offered permanent employment upon successful completion of an apprenticeship. Another example is in the seafaring industry where Nautilus and employers have successfully agreed apprenticeship routes into the industry that will lead to permanent employment for all trainees.

Temporary employees as a share of total employees aged 15-24, 2004-2011

 

% total employees

% point change

 

2004

2007

2009

2011

2004-2007

2007-2009

2009-2011

2007-2011

EU27

37.6

41.3

40.4

42.5

3.7

-0.9

2.1

1.2

BE

28.6

31.6

33.2

34.3

3.0

1.6

1.1

2.7

BG

15.3

10.3

9.3

8.3

-5.0

-1.0

-1.0

-2.0

CZ

18.0

17.4

18.7

22.3

-0.6

1.3

3.6

4.9

DK

26.9

22.5

22.8

22.1

-4.4

0.3

-0.7

-0.4

DE

55.5

57.4

57.3

56.0

1.9

-0.1

-1.3

-1.4

EE

:

:

:

13.8

 

   

 

IE

11.2

20.5

25.0

34.2

9.3

4.5

9.2

13.7

EL

26.3

27.0

28.4

30.1

0.7

1.4

1.7

3.1

ES

64.8

62.8

55.9

61.4

-2.0

-6.9

5.5

-1.4

FR

46.7

53.5

52.4

55.1

6.8

-1.1

2.7

1.6

IT

34.4

42.3

44.4

49.9

7.9

2.1

5.5

7.6

CY

16.1

23.3

18.4

17.2

7.2

-4.9

-1.2

-6.1

LV

17.3

9.3

9.3

10.7

-8.0

0.0

1.4

1.4

LT

13.8

9.8

5.0

9.1

-4.0

-4.8

4.1

-0.7

LU

24.1

34.1

39.3

34.5

10.0

5.2

-4.8

0.4

HU

15.1

19.1

21.4

22.9

4.0

2.3

1.5

3.8

MT

9.2

11.0

11.3

17.7

1.8

0.3

6.4

6.7

NL

37.9

45.1

46.5

47.7

7.2

1.4

1.2

2.6

AT

32.4

34.9

35.6

37.2

2.5

0.7

1.6

2.3

PL

60.6

65.7

62.0

65.6

5.1

-3.7

3.6

-0.1

PT

47.4

52.6

53.5

57.2

5.2

0.9

3.7

4.6

RO

6.6

4.6

3.7

5.8

-2.0

-0.9

2.1

1.2

SI

63.1

68.3

66.6

74.5

5.2

-1.7

7.9

6.2

SK

9.9

13.7

12.5

18.6

3.8

-1.2

6.1

4.9

FI

49.8

42.4

39.0

43.4

-7.4

-3.4

4.4

1.0

SE

53.1

57.1

53.4

57.3

4.0

-3.7

3.9

0.2

UK

11.0

13.3

11.9

13.5

2.3

-1.4

1.6

0.2

NO

31.2

28.0

25.7

24.3

-3.2

-2.3

-1.4

-3.7

Source: Eurostat, Labour Force Survey

         
Temporary employees as a share of total employees aged 25-29, 2004-2011

 

% total employees

% point change

 

2004

2007

2009

2011

2004-2007

2007-2009

2009-2011

2007-2011

EU27

19.5

21.1

20.2

21.4

1.6

-1.0

1.2

0.2

BE

12.4

13.1

12.5

14.6

0.7

-0.5

2.0

1.5

BG

9.0

5.3

4.4

4.2

-3.8

-0.8

-0.2

-1.0

CZ

9.8

8.1

8.4

10.8

-1.7

0.2

2.5

2.7

DK

16.5

13.9

13.8

16.4

-2.6

-0.1

2.7

2.5

DE

17.2

21.2

21.2

22.0

4.0

0.0

0.8

0.8

EE

3.0

1.8

4.2

4.2

-1.2

2.4

0.0

2.3

IE

3.4

10.1

9.5

12.7

6.7

-0.6

3.2

2.6

EL

18.4

16.1

19.9

19.0

-2.3

3.8

-1.0

2.9

ES

44.0

41.2

37.5

39.8

-2.7

-3.7

2.3

-1.5

FR

18.3

20.8

20.2

22.0

2.5

-0.6

1.8

1.2

IT

17.2

22.7

23.5

26.7

5.5

0.8

3.2

4.0

CY

19.2

17.7

16.2

18.1

-1.5

-1.5

1.9

0.4

LV

11.8

3.2

4.2

5.5

-8.6

1.0

1.4

2.3

LT

5.3

4.2

2.5

3.6

-1.1

-1.7

1.1

-0.6

LU

7.6

12.5

11.2

12.7

4.9

-1.2

1.5

0.3

HU

8.1

8.9

11.3

11.0

0.8

2.5

-0.3

2.2

MT

1.1

5.6

5.0

6.3

4.6

-0.6

1.3

0.6

NL

16.8

22.9

24.2

25.8

6.1

1.2

1.7

2.9

AT

10.0

8.8

9.6

9.8

-1.1

0.8

0.2

1.0

PL

33.8

38.7

35.6

38.9

4.9

-3.1

3.3

0.2

PT

30.3

36.6

38.6

39.2

6.3

2.0

0.6

2.6

RO

3.4

2.1

1.2

2.1

-1.3

-0.9

0.9

0.0

SI

30.7

33.7

34.1

33.9

2.9

0.4

-0.2

0.3

SK

6.8

5.7

4.1

7.7

-1.2

-1.6

3.7

2.1

FI

28.7

24.5

25.5

26.0

-4.2

1.1

0.5

1.5

SE

24.0

27.4

24.0

25.0

3.4

-3.3

1.0

-2.4

UK

6.2

7.1

6.3

5.0

0.9

-0.8

-1.3

-2.1

Source: Eurostat, European Labour Force Survey

References

Harvey and Behling (2008), The Evasion Economy.

Labour force Survey (2012), http://statistics.dwp.gov.uk/asd/asd1/adhoc_analysis/2012/indivs_iro_ta.pdf

Johnston, L., MacDonald, R., Mason, P., Ridley, L. and Webster, C., (2000) Snakes & Ladders, Bristol: Policy Press.

MacDonald, R., and Marsh, J. (2001), Disconnected Youth?‟, in Journal of Youth Studies, 4, 4: 373-391.

MacDonald, R., and Marsh, J (2002), Crossing the Rubicon: Youth Transitions, Poverty Drugs and Social Exclusion‟, in International Journal of Drug Policy, 13: 27-38.

MacDonald, R., and Marsh, J (2005), Disconnected Youth? Growing up in Poor Britain, Basingstoke: Palgrave.

Webster, C., Simpson, D., MacDonald, R., Abbas, A., Cieslik, M., Shildrick, T., and Simpson, M., (2004) Poor Transitions: Young Adults and Social Exclusion, Bristol. Policy Press.

Shildrick, T. A. and MacDonald, R. (2007) ‘Biographies of exclusion: poor work and poor transitions’, International Journal of Lifelong Education, 26(5), pp.589-604.

Crisp, Richard and Fletcher, Del Roy.(2008) ‘A comparative review of workfare programmes in the United States, Canada and Australia’ Department for Work and Pensions Research Report No 533.

Sophie Gamwell, Industrial Relations Research Unit, University of Warwick

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