Career paths of part-time workers
Published: 15 November 2005
A study of the career paths of part-time workers (1.9Mb pdf) [1] was conducted by a team at the University of Essex and commissioned by the Equal Opportunities Commission . Published in winter 2004/05, it is based on a longitudinal analysis of two national datasets: the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS).[1] http://www.eoc.org.uk/pdf/career_paths.pdf
Female part-time workers are paid less on average than their male counterparts and face higher wage penalties when switching to full-time employment, a recent UK study reveals. However, while many women may work part time due to choice or family reasons, for men it can also be a sign of lower socio-economic status.
A study of the career paths of part-time workers (1.9Mb pdf) was conducted by a team at the University of Essex and commissioned by the Equal Opportunities Commission . Published in winter 2004/05, it is based on a longitudinal analysis of two national datasets: the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and the Labour Force Survey (LFS).
Trends in part-time employment
While women comprised 78% of all part-time workers in 2004, there has been no upward trend in part-time work for women. By contrast, although only 11% of men in employment work part time, the percentage of male part-timers aged 23-59 years has increased threefold, both overall and as a proportion of working men.
While part-time workers are mainly found in lower level occupations, non-union jobs and particular sectors of the economy, male and female part-timers display different characteristics. Female part-time workers are more likely to be white and concentrated among the 35-64 year age group, whereas male part-timers are more likely to belong to an ethnic minority and are concentrated in the youngest and oldest age groups.
Having more children increases the likelihood of working part time, but much more so for women than for men. Thus, one additional child aged 0-4 years increases the likelihood of part-time employment by about 24% for men, compared with 800% for women. Another important research finding is that it is often the birth of a second child which pushes women into part-time employment.
Women from more recent generations are less likely to work part time than earlier generations. However, women born in the early 1970s were more likely to work part time in their twenties than those born previously. This may indicate that women now use part-time work as a temporary solution to childcare problems, before returning to full-time work when their children are older.
Training and job satisfaction
According to an analysis of BHPS data, female and male part-time workers are 40% less likely to receive work-related training than their full-time counterparts. The BHPS sample also provides estimates for four components of job satisfaction (pay, job security, hours worked and the work itself). Female and male part-timers appear to be neither more nor less satisfied with their jobs than full-timers. Women in ‘mini-jobs’ (1-15 hours per week) appear more satisfied with pay and hours worked than full-timers, but both male and female part-timers are less satisfied with the work itself.
Another significant finding is that 27% of male part-timers would prefer full-time employment, compared with just 6% of female part-time workers. Such men are more likely to be of lower occupational status, have less education and belong to an ethnic minority. The authors suggest that, in the case of men, part-time working may be an indicator of lower socio-economic status, whereas for most women it may reflect choice or family commitments. Furthermore, it is possible that increasing numbers of men are taking part-time employment, either as a way into full-time work when young or because they find it difficult to stay in full-time jobs prior to retirement.
Transitions in and out of part-time work
Part-time work is a relatively stable labour market state for women. Of those women in part-time employment in any given year, 75% are employed part time in the following year, compared with 45% of men. While men rarely leave full-time employment for part-time work, women are just as likely to move from full-time work into part-time work as they are to move in the opposite direction.
Wage trajectories
| Women | Men | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pay variable | Part-timers | Full-timers | Part-timers | Full-timers |
| Gross monthly earnings (£) (2002 prices) | 426 | 1,292 | 495 | 1,733 |
| Gross hourly wages (£) (2002 prices) | 6.00 | 7.44 | 7.74 | 8.81 |
Source: BHPS, 1991-2002 (see Career paths of part-time workers, Winter 2004/05, p. 60)
There remains a significant gender pay gap (see table), with women experiencing lifecycle wage profiles that are lower and flatter than those faced by men. For instance, after 15 years of work experience, women who have always been in full-time employment earn on average 30% less per hour than their male counterparts. The ‘wage penalty’ for working part time is also much more pronounced for women than for men. Even after 15 years’ experience, women who move back into full-time employment after only one year of working part time can earn up to 10% less per hour than women who have always worked full time. For men, the wage penalty is around 7%.
In July 2000, the UK government introduced the Part-time Workers Regulations (PWR), thereby implementing the European Council Directive on part-time work. Under the legislation, employers are expected to treat part-time employees no less favourably than comparable full-time workers on several counts, including hourly pay. However, the study finds that the reform is yet to have any impact in terms of closing the pay gap between female part-timers and female full-time workers, or between female and male part-timers.
Jonathan Payne, University of Warwick
Eurofound recommends citing this publication in the following way.
Eurofound (2005), Career paths of part-time workers, article.