Article

Strikes in the transport sector analysed

Published: 27 July 1997

Transport is one of Italy's most strike-prone sectors, at the same time as being covered by legislation regulating strikes in essential public services. This article draws on recent statistical evidence to examine the nature of industrial conflict in transport, highlighting the problem of the "announcement effect", whereby a strike call can cause considerable disruption, even though the strike itself is cancelled.

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Transport is one of Italy's most strike-prone sectors, at the same time as being covered by legislation regulating strikes in essential public services. This article draws on recent statistical evidence to examine the nature of industrial conflict in transport, highlighting the problem of the "announcement effect", whereby a strike call can cause considerable disruption, even though the strike itself is cancelled.

The Italian transport sector is traditionally strike-prone, and transport is one of the essential services in which strikes are regulated by Law 146 of 1990 on strikes in essential public services, and the Guarantee Authority (Commissione di Garanzia) created to enforce the application of this law. For these reasons, an analysis of trends in industrial conflict in the transport sector is particularly useful in appreciating the changes that have occurred in conflict as a result of the growth in the relative size of the overall services sector. The regulation of conflict in transport puts to the test the regulatory power of institutional arrangements (of both legislative and bargaining origin), the ability of control authorities to govern and sanction, the mediation capacity of government and the representativeness of interest organisations.

Conflicts in transport and the activity of the Guarantee Authority

Over the past 10-15 years, industrial conflict has dramatically decreased in all sectors in Italy, particularly in terms of the amount of working days lost (see Table 1 below). According to the official data provided by the National Statistical Office (Istat), over the 1985-90 period, the average annual days lost stood at 2,964,250; while over 1991-96 the annual average fell to 1,114,625. This fall in the volume of strikes - not accompanied by a proportional decrease in the number of conflicts, which fell from an annual average of 1,350 conflicts to 838 - marks a transformation in the nature of conflicts in comparison with previous years, indicating that they have probably become more manageable by the bargaining system.

Table 1. Strike indicators for all sectors and for metalworking (1985-96)
. . All sectors . . Metalworking .
Year No. of conflicts Participants (000) Days lost (000) No. of conflicts Participants (000) Days lost (000)
1985 1,336 1,224 1,380 436 324 271
1986 1,462 2,940 4,593 346 930 959
1987 1,146 1,473 2,518 307 314 402
1988 1,767 1,609 2,136 439 429 445
1989 1,295 2,108 2,625 309 498 410
1990 1,094 1,634 4,534 236 540 2,517
1991 784 750 1,447 224 146 271
1992 895 621 701 305 221 235
1993 1,047 848 1,100 361 263 339
1994 858 745 956 226 207 208
1995 545 445 796 29 35 143
1996 904 1,689 1,689 129 1,153 1,159

Source: Calculations based on Istat data

Over the 12 years covered by the figures, peaks in conflict still remain linked to action by the metalworkers (eg in 1990 and 1996), but the decline in conflict is also evident in this fundamental and traditional part of the Italian trade union movement. The fall is also clear in the service sector and in transport, but 1996 saw a rise in the number of conflicts, and the source has been the transport sector (see Table 2).

Table 2. Strike indicators. All services and transport (1985-96)
. All services (including transport) Transport
Year No. of conflicts Participants (000) Days lost (000) No. of conflicts Participants (000) Days (000)
1985 520 328 584 174 100 233
1986 694 1,115 2,729 239 237 561
1987 537 476 1,159 227 178 577
1988 880 557 1,013 328 152 450
1989 625 1,114 1,803 196 243 644
1990 520 525 1,321 170 110 416
1991 363 216 318 143 52 72
1992 351 180 223 126 69 91
1993 392 221 340 186 128 207
1994 359 396 562 127 73 95
1995 285 181 325 82 72 119
1996 420 246 242 154 109 118

Source: Calculations based on Istat data

The particular nature of conflict in transport is shown by an analysis of simple ratios between conflict indicators in this sector and in metalworking, the sector that for decades has played a pattern-setting role in Italian industrial relations. Table 3 gives the ratio between strike indicators for transport and for metalworking - eg, in 1985 the number of conflicts in transport stood at 40% of those in metalworking, the number of participants at 31% and the number of days lost at 86%. The most striking ratio relates to the number of conflicts. In the two most recent years, the ratio between the number of conflicts in transport and metalworking was 2.83 in 1995 and 1.19 in 1996 (ie, the transport figures were 183% and 19% higher respectively). The ratio is particularly notable for 1996: even in the year of the conflict-ridden renewal of the metalworking industry agreement, with negotiations that lasted more than nine months (IT9702202F), the number of conflicts in transport was still nearly 20% greater than in metalworking.

Table 3. Strike indicators - transport/metalworking ratios and transport as % of total (1985-96)
. Transport/metalworking Transport as % of total
Year No. of conflicts Participants Days lost No. of conflicts Participants Days lost
1985 0.40 0.31 0.86 13.02 8.17 16.87
1986 0.69 0.25 0.59 16.35 8.06 12.22
1987 0.74 0.57 1.44 19.81 12.08 22.92
1988 0.75 0.35 1.01 18.56 9.42 21.05
1989 0.63 0.49 1.57 15.14 11.53 24.52
1990 0.72 0.20 0.17 15.54 6.76 9.17
1991 0.64 0.36 0.26 18.24 7.00 4.96
1992 0.41 0.31 0.39 14.08 11.08 12.99
1993 0.52 0.49 0.61 17.77 15.09 18.85
1994 0.56 0.35 0.46 14.80 9.78 9.95
1995 2.83 2.06 0.84 15.05 16.09 14.97
1996 1.19 0.09 0.10 17.04 6.47 6.97

Source: Calculations based on ISTAT data

Table 3 also provides information on strikes in transport as a percentage of all strikes. The proportion of the total number of conflicts contributed by transport has been relatively consistent over the whole period, fluctuating between 15% and 20%. This was true even in those years, such as 1990 and 1996, when the contribution of transport to the total amount of days lost was not particularly important, giving further evidence that the distinctive feature of conflict in transport lies in its significant and persistent turbulence, rather than in its overall volume of conflicts.

Another relevant source of data on conflicts is the "conflict observatory" set up by the Guarantee Authority on strikes in essential services. The Authority monitors conflicts in the relevant sectors and, where a violation of the rules is suspected, assesses whether strike calls meet the requirements - in terms of notice periods, duration, maintenance of minimum services and so on - laid down in the regulation for each specific sector. Since data collected by this observatory refer only to conflicts reported and examined by the Authority, this information is very specific and, to a certain extent, biased towards "deviant" cases (ie, instances where some breaches of the rules are suspected). Furthermore, the data currently available concern two periods which are not strictly comparable: July 1990-July 1996 and September 1996-January 1997. Despite these limitations, an analysis of these data leads to some interesting considerations.

  1. The number of conflicts in the transport sector as a proportion of all those reported to the Authority, is absolutely disproportionate to the size of the sector (in terms of numbers employed). Of all decisions issued by the Authority, 59% referred to transport in the first period (July 1990-July 1996) and 73% in the second period (September 1996-January 1997).

  2. In terms of the types of violation of the rules governing strikes in essential services, transport differs significantly from the average (Table 4). These violations of either Law 146 of 1990 or collective agreements on minimum services can be grouped in four categories, relating to notice periods, duration of action, provision of minimum services and "other". As indicated by Table 4 below, violations of notice periods in transport are below the average for all essential services, making up 26.6% of all breaches, compared with 38.3% overall. This is true especially in the two subsectors where conflict is more manifest: air transport (21.3%) and railways (15.8%). Furthermore, violations of minimum services provision are more widespread in these subsectors: 29.8% in air transport and 43.6% in the railways, against an average of 17.8%.

  3. The common view that autonomous or occupational unions are more likely to breach the rules than unions affiliated to the main confederations is not supported by the facts (Table 5). In fact, the percentage of the alleged violations concerning particular unions reported to the Authority which were found to be genuine stood at 63% for the confederal trade unions (Filt-Cgil, Fit-Cisl and Uilt-Uil). For the other trade unions, the percentage varies from 30.8% for Licta (the air traffic controllers' occupational union) to 60% for Sulta (flight assistants). The top scores relate to the autonomous unions, Cisnal-Trasporti (73.5%) and Faisa (67.6%). The other unions listed in the table are Fisafs (autonomous rail workers' union) Comu and Sma (craft unions for engine drivers) and Anpac (craft and "company" union for Alitalia pilots).

  4. The tendency for different kinds of unions to "specialise" in specific violations is also interesting (Table 5). Confederal unions are more prone to violate notice period requirements, but they respect minimum services rules more; occupational unions are more likely to observe notice rules, but not those on minimum services; while autonomous unions comply more with notice terms and minimum services, but violate duration rules more .

Table 4. Violations of rules on strikes in essential services condemned by the Guarantee Authority, by service and category (July 1990-July 1996)
Type of violation All essential services All transport Air Rail Local City
. % % % % % %
Notice 38.3 26.6 21.3 15.8 31.6 30.9
Duration 33.4 37.3 32.5 27.4 44.5 39.3
Services 17.8 22.4 28.9 43.6 13.3 14.8
Other 10.4 13.6 17.3 13.2 10.5 15.1

Source: Guarantee Authority conflict observatory

Table 5. Reported violations found to be genuine by the Guarantee Authority's, by trade union calling the strike, and by category of violation, transport (July 1990-July 1996)
Trade union % genuine violations % notice periods % duration % minimum services % other reasons
Filt-Cgil 63.5 34.2 34.4 20.5 10.8
Fit-Cisl 62.9 34.0 33.8 20.9 11.4
Uilt-Uil 63.2 35.3 34.7 20.0 9.9
Faisa 67.6 28.0 39.1 15.1 17.8
Cisnal-Trasporti 73.5 13.8 43.1 23.1 20.0
Fisafs 60.0 18.3 25.0 45.0 11.7
Comu 38.0 2.8 41.7 36.1 19.4
Sma 44.4 25.0 41.7 33.3 -
Sulta 60.0 18.8 31.3 40.6 9.4
Anpac 40.9 4.2 37.5 41.7 16.7
Licta 30.8 11.1 33.3 22.2 33.3

Source: Guarantee Authority conflict observatory

Commentary

Traditional conflict indicators (number, participants, days lost and so on) do not fully capture the scope of conflict in essential services. Often, forms of disputes short of strikes are widespread in services, such as non-cooperation and working to rule, which are more harmful for companies and customers and less expensive for unions and workers. Furthermore, the "announcement effect" (ie, the forced changes in customers' travel schedules and itineraries caused by a strike call) makes it possible to achieve the maximum advantage in terms of difficulties for companies and discomfort for customers, at the minimum cost: it is enough to call a strike and later withdraw it. Besides, some specific groups of workers (like air traffic controllers) have a very significant power to cause damage that the usual quantitative data cannot catch. This sort of power can in some cases lead to the creation of the most prominent examples of "particularistic" unions, which are notably present in Italy. Such small occupational unions, often in a monopoly position, may act in an individualist manner, without taking into consideration the effects of their action on other groups of workers or the community at large, and at relatively little cost to themselves. All these elements together diminish any direct relationship between the sacrifice faced by workers and the damage that urban, regional or national communities have to bear.

Despite the abovementioned limitations, official data on strikes allow us to identify some relevant characteristics of conflict in the transport sector and, more generally, some significant features of the transformation of the industrial relations system. The data help identify an anomaly in the transport sector: in the framework of a generalised fall in conflict for many reasons - such as the rise in unemployment, but also more efficient bargaining systems and structures - chaotic and uncontrolled conflict behaviour persists in services and transport.

The data supplied by the Guarantee Authority's conflict observatory confirm the turbulent nature of the transport sector and support some further interesting considerations. Firstly, we can suggest the hypothesis that the frequent respect of notice terms in transport could be explained by the widespread practice of calling "virtual strikes", which are effective thanks to the "announcement effect". It is clear that a precise strike call issued well in advance is essential in order to take advantage of this effect, otherwise it would lose its potential effect.

Secondly, we can identify three differing "strike behaviours". Confederal unions observe the minimum service requirements set by the law, since, due to their affiliations, they are obliged to take into account the effects of their actions on the transport system as a whole and thus other groups of workers, though they are less inclined to respect notice periods. Occupational unions profit more openly from the announcement effect and, consequently, observe notice periods more, though not minimum services. Autonomous unions violate more frequently the rules on the duration of strikes.

In conclusion, we can state that the announcement effect, which is used by confederal and autonomous unions as well as occupational unions, is the most troublesome source of confusion and difficulties. From this point of view, it is not possible to support the view that a strike call which has been withdrawn, even at the last minute, is always better than a strike which has taken place. If we can draw from these considerations an objective for the regulation of conflict in transport, it is that there should arguably be an increase in the cost of conflict for unions which call a strike - for instance, by imposing economic sanctions whenever a strike call is withdrawn without appropriate reasons. Through introducing costs, even for strike calls, a decrease in the number of conflicts could be obtained, representing a real defence of customers and of the transport system. (Gian Primo Cella and Roberto Pedersini, Fondazione Regionale Pietro Seveso)

Eurofound recommends citing this publication in the following way.

Eurofound (1997), Strikes in the transport sector analysed, article.

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