Life satisfaction
Data source: 2016 EQLS survey
Ability to choose or change
methods of work
Data source: 2015 EWCS survey
Possibility to accumulate overtime
for days off
Data source: 2013 ECS survey
Trišalė ES agentūra teikia žinias, siekdama padėti rengti geresnę socialinę, užimtumo ir su darbu susijusią politiką
Trišalė ES agentūra teikia žinias, siekdama padėti rengti geresnę socialinę, užimtumo ir su darbu susijusią politiką
25 Vasaris 2021
Data source: Eurostat
Eurofound provides research, data and analysis on a wide range of social and work-related topics. This information is largely comparative, but also offers country-specific information for each of the 28 EU Member States, which included the UK prior to its withdrawal from the European Union on 31 January 2020. Most information is available in English but some has been translated to facilitate access at national level.
Eurofound strives to strengthen the ongoing link between its own work and national policy debates and priorities related to quality of life and work. Increasingly important in this context are the EU’s policy priorities for a European Green Deal, a digital future, an economy that works for people, promoting and strengthening European democracy. To help repair the economic and social damage caused by the Coronavirus pandemic, the European Commission, the European Parliament and EU leaders have also agreed on a recovery plan that will lead the way out of the crisis and lay the foundations for a modern and more sustainable Europe. The EU’s long-term budget, coupled with NextGenerationEU, the temporary instrument designed to boost the recovery, will be the largest stimulus package ever financed through the EU budget to help rebuild a post-COVID-19 Europe.
The European Semester provides a framework for the coordination of economic policies across the EU. It allows Member States to discuss their economic and budget plans and monitor progress at specific times throughout the year. For 2021, the European Semester will be temporarily adapted to coordinate it with the Recovery and Resilience Facility to address the impact of the crisis caused by the pandemic. As part of this, Member States are encouraged to submit national reform programmes and recovery and resilience plans in a single integrated document. These plans will provide an overview of the reforms and investments that Member States will undertake in line with the objectives of the Facility.
2015 Eurofound EWCS survey results in Portugal: 87% of people think their safety is not at risk because of their work
COVID-19 continues to have a profound impact on people’s lives across the globe, with major implications for quality of life and work. Eurofound has taken a multipronged response to the pandemic, adapting its research focus in a variety of ways. A new database of national-level policy responses, COVID-19 EU PolicyWatch, collates information on measures taken by government and social partners, as well as company practices, aiming to cushion the effects of the crisis. Eurofound's unique e-survey, Living, working and COVID-19, provides an insight into the impact of the pandemic on people’s lives across the EU, with the aim of helping policymakers to bring about an equal recovery from the crisis. Two rounds of the survey in April and July allow for comparisons between a lockdown situation in most Member States and the gradual reopening of society and economies. The survey investigates the impact on quality of life and society, working and teleworking, the financial situation and security of people, and the quality of public services during COVID-19. Findings for each country and a range of data pages are now available.
Explore our data pages by country to find out more on the situation in Portugal.
The country page gives access to Eurofound's most recent survey data and news, directly related to Portugal:
Research carried out prior to the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union on 31 January 2020, and published subsequently, may include data relating to the 28 EU Member States. Following this date, research only takes into account the 27 EU Member States (EU28 minus the UK), unless specified otherwise.
Survey results
Life satisfaction
Data source: 2016 EQLS survey
Ability to choose or change
methods of work
Data source: 2015 EWCS survey
Possibility to accumulate overtime
for days off
Data source: 2013 ECS survey
Recent developments
Eurofound contacts in Portugal
Correspondents report on topics related to developments in the country's working life and inform Eurofound’s pan-European comparative analysis. Read more
Consortium Study Centre for Social Intervention (CESIS) / Centre for Socioeconomic and Territorial Studies (ISCTE-IUL)
Eurofound's Management Board is made up of representatives of the social partners and national governments of all Member States, European Commission representatives and an independent expert appointed by the European Parliament. Read more
Nelson Ferreira Authority for Working Conditions
Marcelino Pena Costa Confederation of Trade and Services of Portugal - CCP
Augusto Coelho Praça General Confederation of the Portuguese Workers (CGTP-IN)
Quality of life
Eurofound’s European Quality of Life Survey (EQLS) shows that both life satisfaction and happiness have increased in Portugal during the years of observation. Average life satisfaction increased from 6.0 in 2003 to 6.9 in 2016, but still slightly lower than the EU28 average of 7.1 (on a scale of 1–10). Similarly, happiness increased from 6.9 in 2003 to 7.5 in 2016, which was slightly above the EU28 average of 7.4.
Respondents in Portugal are less optimistic than people on average in the EU: 54% of respondents were optimistic about their own future in 2016, in comparison to 64% on average in the EU. Similarly, 54% of respondents were optimistic about their children’s or grandchildren’s future in 2016, again lower than the EU average of 57%.
2003 | 2007 | 2011 | 2016 | ||
Life satisfaction | Mean (1-10) | 6.0 | 6.2 | 6.8 | 6.9 |
Taking all things together on a scale of 1 to 10, how happy would you say you are? | Mean (1-10) | 6.9 | 6.9 | 7.2 | 7.5 |
Optimism about own future | Agree & strongly agree | - | - | - | 54% |
Optimism about children’s or grandchildren’s future | Agree & strongly agree | - | - | - | 54% |
Take part in sports or physical exercise | At least once a week | - | - | 25% | 39% |
In general, how is your health? | Very good | - | 11% | 16% | 19% |
WHO-5 mental wellbeing index | Mean (1-100) | - | 60 | 66 | 66 |
Making ends meet | With some difficulty, difficulty, and great difficulty | 41% | 33% | 41% | 37% |
I feel I am free to decide how to live my life | Strongly agree | - | - | 29% | 19% |
I find it difficult to deal with important problems that come up in my life | Agree & strongly agree | - | - | - | 18% |
When things go wrong in my life, it generally takes me a long time to get back to normal | Agree & strongly agree | - | - | - | 19% |
Work-life balance
The frequency of work–life balance problems in Portugal is close to the average EU level. For instance, 53% of respondents were too tired from work to do household jobs at least several times a month in 2016, compared with the EU28 average of 59%. Additionally, 36% of respondents in Portugal had difficulties to fulfil family responsibilities because of work at least several times a month, just slightly lower than the EU28 average of 38%.The least common work–life balance problem was having difficulties to concentrate at work because of family responsibilities, reported by 22% of respondents in Portugal in 2016, which was slightly above the corresponding EU28 average of 19%.
2003 | 2007 | 2011 | 2016 | ||
(At least several times a month) | |||||
I have come home from work too tired to do some of the household jobs which need to be done | Total | 55% | 46% | 49% | 53% |
Men | 49% | 42% | 43% | 51% | |
Women | 64% | 51% | 56% | 55% | |
It has been difficult for me to fulfil my family responsibilities because of the amount of time I spend on the job | Total | 38% | 29% | 27% | 36% |
Men | 37% | 27% | 25% | 35% | |
Women | 40% | 31% | 28% | 36% | |
I have found it difficult to concentrate at work because of my family responsibilities | Total | 23% | 15% | 17% | 22% |
Men | 21% | 14% | 16% | 22% | |
Women | 26% | 17% | 18% | 22% |
Quality of society
Perceived tensions between poor and rich people have decreased in Portugal, from 25% of respondents reporting a lot of tension in 2003 to 11% in 2016. This is also significantly below the EU28 average of 29% in 2016. Perceived tensions between different racial and ethnic groups have also decreased, from 37% of respondents reporting a lot of this type of tension in 2003 to 21% in 2016. This share is low compared with the EU28 average of 41%.
Only 5% of respondents in Portugal reported their involvement in unpaid voluntary work at least once a month in 2016, half the EU28 average of 10%.
2003 | 2007 | 2011 | 2016 | ||
Social exclusion index | Mean (1-5) | - | 2.2 | 2.1 | 2.1 |
Trust in people | Mean (1-10) | 5.0 | 4.3 | 4.3 | 4.7 |
Involvement in unpaid voluntary work | % 'at least once a month' | - | - | 7% | 5% |
Tension between poor and rich people | % reporting 'a lot of tension' | 25% | 23% | 21% | 11% |
Tension between different racial and ethnic groups | % reporting 'a lot of tension' | 37% | 22% | 21% | 21% |
I feel safe when I walk alone after dark | Strongly agree | - | - | - | 29% |
Quality of public services
Quality ratings for seven public services
Note: scale of 1-10, Source: EQLS 2016.
The perceived quality of health services has increased in Portugal, from 4.9 in 2003 to 6.3 in 2016, advancing towards the EU28 average of 6.7 (on a scale of 1–10). Similar positive patterns can also be observed in the perceived quality of the education system and childcare services. However, the perceived quality of long-term care services has decreased in Portugal, from 5.4 in 2011 to 5.0 in 2016. The perceived quality of the state pension system deteriorated between 2003 and 2007, from 5.1 to 3.3, but has since improved slightly to 4.2 in 2016. All of the quality ratings for public services in Portugal are below their respective EU28 averages.
2003 | 2007 | 2011 | 2016 | ||
Health services | Mean (1-10) | 4.9 | 4.9 | 5.5 | 6.3 |
Education system | Mean (1-10) | 5.4 | 5.4 | 5.8 | 6.5 |
Public transport | Mean (1-10) | 5.6 | 5.7 | 5.8 | 5.8 |
Childcare services | Mean (1-10) | - | 5.6 | 6.0 | 6.2 |
Long-term care services | Mean (1-10) | - | - | 5.4 | 5.0 |
Social housing | Mean (1-10) | - | - | 5.4 | 5.3 |
State pension system | Mean (1-10) | 5.1 | 3.3 | 4.0 | 4.2 |
This profile describes the key characteristics of working life in Portugal. It aims to complement other EurWORK research by providing the relevant background information on the structures, institutions and relevant regulations regarding working life. This includes indicators, data and regulatory systems on the following aspects: actors and institutions, collective and individual employment relations, health and well-being, pay, working time, skills and training, and equality and non-discrimination at work. The profiles are updated annually.
Highlights – Working life in 2019
Highlights updated on: 3 March 2020
For more information, see working paper:
Portugal: Developments in working life 2018
The amendment (Law 93/2019) to the Labour Code 2009 came into force in 2019, the result of a 2018 tripartite agreement oncombating precarious work and labour market segmentation and promoting greater dynamism in collective bargaining. The new law reduces the duration of fixed-term contracts and their renewals and sets a maximum limit to the renewals of temporary agency work. The law allows the use of fixed-term contracts for permanent needs when hiring very long-term unemployed, when launching new activities of uncertain duration, or opening new establishments (with the exception of very large companies). Companies that exceed the average number of fixed-term contracts in a sector are obliged to pay an ‘excessive turnover fee’.
The law provides for the creation of an arbitration court under the framework of the Economic and Social Council (CES), as a final recourse before collective agreements expire. It also extends the scope of rights that workers keep when collective agreements expire, adding parental rights and rights to health and security at work. Under the law, group working time accounts can be created via collective agreements or company referenda. The following three controversial measures of this law were sent to the constitutional court by left-wing parties: the increase of the duration of very short-term contracts and their use beyond agricultural seasonal activities or tourist events; the extension of the trial period for first-time job seekers and long-term unemployed when hired for permanent positions; the possibility of a collective agreement expiring if one of the signatory parties no longer exists.
In 2019, there was continued policy concern with the promotion of equal pay between men and women. During the first quarter, parliament issued two recommendations to the government related to equal pay. The first recommendation was on the definition of a proportional limit to wage disparity in every work organisation. The second recommendation was on measures to promote equal pay between men and women.
The Barometer on Remuneration Differentials between Women and Men (Barómetro das Diferenças Remuneratórias entre Mulheres e Homens) was launched on 27 June. This barometer aims to provide more and better statistical information on this topic. It includes the gender pay gap for different sectors and different regions. Furthermore, it provides the adjusted gender pay gap, controlling for activity, occupation, qualification level, education and seniority. The barometer was developed by the Office of Strategy and Planning of the Ministry of Labour, Solidarity and Social Security (GEP, MTSSS), in cooperation with two tripartite bodies: the Commission for Equality in Labour and Employment (CITE) and the Authority for Working Conditions (ACT).
Rights for carers also remained a priority in the policy agenda in Portugal. Law 90/2019 reinforced the protection in parenting, and further strengthened paternity rights, specifically in terms of the increased duration of leave for fathers. Moreover, following a lengthy political debate, Law 100/2019 approved the status of informal carers. The new law regulates the rights and obligations of the informal carer and of the person cared for, as well as establishing respective support measures.
Key figures
2012 |
2018 |
% (point) change 2012-2018 |
||||
Portugal |
EU28 |
Portugal |
EU28 |
Portugal |
EU28 |
|
GDP per capita |
16,100 |
25,700 |
17,900 |
28,200 |
11.18% |
9.73% |
Unemployment rate – total |
15.8 |
10.5 |
7.0 |
6.8 |
-8.80 |
-3.70 |
Unemployment rate – women |
15.6 |
10.6 |
7.4 |
7.1 |
-8.20 |
-3.50 |
Unemployment rate – men |
15.9 |
10.4 |
6.6 |
6.6 |
-9.30 |
-3.80 |
Unemployment rate – youth |
38.0 |
23.3 |
20.3 |
15.2 |
-17.70 |
-8.10 |
Employment rate – total |
73.4 |
71.7 |
75.1 |
73.7 |
1.70 |
2.00 |
Employment rate – women |
69.7 |
65.5 |
72.4 |
68.3 |
2.70 |
2.80 |
Employment rate – men |
77.3 |
77.8 |
78.1 |
79.2 |
0.80 |
1.40 |
Employment rate – youth |
37.1 |
42.4 |
34.2 |
41.7 |
-2.90 |
-0.70 |
Source: Eurostat - Real GDP per capita (chain linked volumes [2010], in EUR) and percentage change 2012-2018 (both based on sdg_08_10). Unemployment rate by sex and age - annual average, % [une_rt_a]; Employment rate by sex and age - annual average, % [lfsi _emp_a].
Background
Between 2012 and 2018, Portugal’s GDP grew by 11.18%, slightly higher than the EU average of 9.73% for the same period. In 2018, the unemployment rate reached 7.0%, the lowest level since 2002. Youth unemployment decreased and stood at 20.3% in 2018, higher than the EU average of 15.2%. The female employment rate increased slightly from 2012 and stood at 72.4% in 2018, higher than the EU average of 68.3%. The total employment rate in 2018 was 75.1%, slightly higher that the EU average for the same year, 73.7%. The year 2018 was marked by a strong job creation dynamics (an increase of 2.3%, with 110,000 new jobs) and a reduction in unemployment (a fall of 96,900 unemployed).
More information on:
The main legislation covering the employment relationship and industrial relations in force are the Labour Code (Código de Trabalho) that regulates the private sector and the General Labour Law in Public Functions (Lei Geral do Trabalho em Funções Públicas) that regulates the public sector.
The 2009 Labour Code was subject to seven amendments between 2011 and 2014, during the centre right government PSD/CDS, mostly to comply with the requirements of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Troika institutions – the European Commission (EC), the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). These amendments introduced regulations to increase labour market flexibility and decentralise collective bargaining (Law 23/2012), to allow the suspension of collective agreements in companies in crisis and to shorten the periods of validity and survival of collective agreements (Law 55/2014). The rules on the extension of collective agreements were modified by Resolution 90/2012 which introduced criteria based on employers’ associations representativeness (to employ more than 50% of all employees in the industry concerned); and later by Resolution 43/2014 that added new alternative criteria, i.e., that the number of members of the employers’ association consist at least of 30% of micro, small and medium enterprises. The amendments to the Labour Code introduced in 2015 aimed at improving gender equality at work and parental rights.
The amendments introduced in 2016, in the new political cycle of the government of the Socialist Party supported by left parties, re-established four civil and religious holidays (Law 8/2016) that had been suppressed in 2012; and introduced new rules to combat modern forms of forced labour (Law 28/2016), considering not only the criminal responsibility of subcontractors and temporary staffing agencies, but also the responsibility of company users. In 2017 the rules on the extension of collective bargaining changed, replacing the criteria of representativeness of employer associations by new criteria with a focus on inclusiveness and a reduction of inequality (Resolution 82/2017). In addition, Law 73/2017, reinforcing the legal framework regulating harassment at work in the private and public sectors, amended the Labour Code, the Labour Procedure Code and the General Labour Law in Public Functions. In 2018, new rules were introduced amending the Labour Code, according to which workers retain all contractual and acquired rights – namely, remuneration, seniority, professional category and functional content and social benefits acquired, in the case of transfer of business or establishment (Law 14/2018). Also, Law 60/2018 introduced measures to promote equal pay between women and men who perform equal work or work of equal value. Under the new regime, in the first half of each year, the government will publish information assessing differences in remuneration between women and men by company, occupation and qualification level. Companies will have to comply with transparency rules to prevent wage discrimination based on gender. In the public sector, the most important changes were the reversal of nominal wages cuts that had been in place since 2011 and the re-establishment of the 35 hour week in the public sector, through the second amendment (Law 18/2016) to the General Labour Law in Public Functions.
In Portugal, industrial relations democratic institutions emerged in the context of the revolutionary transition to democracy post 1974. After almost half a century of dictatorship and the longest authoritarian corporatism in Europe (Schmitter, 1999), the new democratic state played a major role in the 1970s to improve labour standards and in the configuration of the system of industrial relations. The political influence of trade union and employer confederations was encouraged by the institutionalisation of tripartite concertation, a process that started in 1984 and gained increasing relevancy (Campos Lima and Naumann, 2011). In the late 1980s and in the 1990s, tripartite social pacts played a central role in conditioning collective bargaining towards wage moderation, although CGTP – the most representative trade union confederation – did not sign them. In contrast, UGT signed all those social pacts.
The Labour Code 2003, a centre–right government initiative, reversed the principle of favor laboratoris and introduced mechanisms to speed up the termination of collective agreements and reduce their period of validity after expiring. Collective bargaining entered into crisis in 2004, with a sharp decline of the level of renewals of collective agreements and respective coverage (only 600,000 workers). A recovery of collective bargaining was facilitated by the medium-term tripartite agreement in 2006 on the trajectory of the minimum wage signed by all social partners. By the year 2008, when the international financial crisis occurred, around 1, 800,000 workers were covered by collective agreement renewals, representing around 65% of total employees (excluding public administration). The 2009 Labour Code, a socialist government initiative, introduced new rules: re-establishing partially the favor laboratoris principle; further facilitating the unilateral ‘caducity’ of collective agreements and reducing their survival period; and introducing the possibility of non-union negotiations at firm level, based on trade union mandate (Campos Lima and Abrantes 2016; Campos Lima, 2017). The 2003 Labour Code had opened the way for employers to withdraw unilaterally from existing collective agreements, but due to loopholes in the law, this did not apply to some very important agreements (mainly in manufacturing). The revision of the Labour Code in 2009 removed all obstacles for the withdrawal from agreements.
The measures and legislation imposed in the period 2011-2014, during the centre–right coalition, in line with MoU requirements (and beyond), reduced even more drastically the bargaining power of trade unions. Legislation gave more room for non-union representatives to negotiate at firm level. The period of survival of collective agreements was even more reduced, encouraging employers to withdraw unilaterally from existing agreements. Stricter conditions (based on representativeness of employer organisations) were required for the extension of collective agreements. It became possible to proceed to the suspension (derogation) of collective agreements for companies in crisis. All these changes combined with the economic crisis led to a dramatic decline in the level of collective agreement renewals and workers covered, which reached the lowest historical levels in 2012, 2013 and 2014 (Campos Lima, 2017).
The positive development in economic growth, the regular increase of the minimum wage in line with the goals set up by the PS government in 2015 for its four-year mandate, and the milder exigencies introduced by the new rules on extension (see extension mechanisms), contributed to some recovery of collective bargaining; however, coverage of wage bargaining in the private sector did not reach in 2018 the levels observed before the crisis (see ‘Collective bargaining’). Tripartite concertation regained importance with tripartite agreements signed in 2016, 2017 and 2018, the two last encompassing a large range of measures, but contentious and open issues remain in relation to labour legislation and collective bargaining legal framework, which have been stressed by the largest trade union confederation, CGTP, that did not sign any of these agreements (see ‘Tripartite and bipartite bodies and concertation’). CGTP and left-wing parties that support the PS government have been asking for an in-depth revision of the legal framework of collective bargaining in order to fully re-establish the principle of favor laboratoris and to allow collective agreements to expire only following a joint decision of the signatory parties.
In the public sector, after the PS government implemented the reversal of nominal wage cuts and the re-establishment of the 35-hour week, no major outcomes in collective bargaining have been achieved in terms of wages and careers progression (frozen for almost a decade). Trade unions intensified pressure in the last quarter of 2018, without success. Restrictions on public expenses played an important role in the government’s arguments to justify the deadlock.
Actors and institutions
Trade unions, employers’ organisations and public institutions play a key role in the governance of the employment relationship, working conditions and industrial relations structures. They are interlocking parts in a multilevel system of governance that includes European, national, sectoral, regional (provincial or local) and company levels. This section looks into the main actors and institutions and their role in Portugal.
In Portugal, the Ministry of Labour, Solidarity, and Social Security (Ministério do Trabalho, Solidariedade e Segurança Social, MTSSS) approves and implements policies related to employment, vocational and qualification training, labour market and industrial relations through the Directorate-General for Employment and Labour Relations (Direção-Geral do Emprego e das Relações de Trabalho, DGERT) and the Authority for Working Conditions (Autoridade para as Condições do Trabalho, ACT). DGERT is responsible for supporting the development of policies, legislation and regulations on employment and vocational training and on industrial relations, including working conditions and health, safety and well-being at work.
ACT is responsible for promoting improved working conditions by ensuring compliance with labour regulations and for promoting occupational risk prevention policies in public administration departments and bodies, and in all sectors of activity.
Two other bodies are able to pursue inquiries in cases of occupational disease or other damage to health that occurred during work or are related to work. The Social Security Institute (Instituto da Segurança Social, ISS), through the Protection against Occupational Risks Department (Departamento de Proteção Contra os Riscos Profissionais), is responsible for managing the treatment and recovery from illness or disability arising from occupational hazards. The Directorate-General of Health (Direção-Geral da Saúde, DGS) is one of the main stakeholders in the definition, promotion and enforcement of occupational health policy, through its Environmental and Occupational Health Division (Divisão de Saúde Ambiental e Ocupacional). The DGS is responsible for promoting the assessment of the relationships between work and health/ill health and evaluating the impact of work on health (disability and death). It is also responsible for supporting the development of policies, legislation, regulations, guidelines, etc. on health surveillance.
Portuguese legislation does not provide rules regarding criteria and mechanisms to access the representativeness of trade unions and employer associations and regarding the implications of representativeness in social dialogue institutions and collective bargaining. All officially registered unions or employer associations are entitled to engage in collective bargaining. What counts is mutual recognition.
The MoU required that the extension of collective agreements should be based on representativeness, both of trade unions and employer associations. The legal changes in 2012 and in 2014 referred only to employer representativeness/representation. In the 2012 version, they had to represent 50% of employment in the sector, in many sectors an impossible target. In the 2014 version their membership had to include 30% of micro, small and medium enterprises, to be allowed to extend the collective agreements.
These rules were withdrawn in 2017 for a number of reasons: the negative impact in collective bargaining, by reducing the number of extensions and the number of updated collective agreements and their coverage; the weakness of employers’ associations as highlighted by the Green Paper on Labour Relations 2016, with only 19% of companies in Portugal in 2014 claiming to be affiliated to employer associations; and the fact that both employer confederations and trade union confederations were opposed or reticent to criteria of the extension based on representativeness/representation. In May 2017 Resolution 82/2017 (PDF) replaced the criteria of representativeness/representation of employer associations by new criteria for the extension of collective agreements: the effect on the wage bill and economic impacts; the level of the wage increase; the impact on the wage scale and on the reduction of inequality; the percentage of workers to be covered (in total and by gender); and the proportion of women that will benefit.
More information on representativeness of the main social partner organisations can be found in Eurofound’s sectoral representativeness studies.
The right to organise in a trade union (liberdade sindical) is guaranteed by the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic and by the Labour Code. Very few groups are excluded from this right, namely members of the armed forces and militarised security forces.
Measuring trade union membership in Portugal is a particularly difficult task because most unions do not provide updated and accurate information. Since 2010, the annual mandatory survey (Relatório Único/Ordinance 55/2010) for all companies in the market sector (Relatório Único/Ordinance 55/2010) includes a question to employers about the number of employees affiliated to trade unions. As highlighted in the Green Paper on Labour Relations 2016, the percentage of companies that indicate unionised workers is less than 4% and the data on unionised workers points to a union density between 11% and 9% in the period of 2010-2014. Furthermore, these data do not include the public sector where trade union density is always much higher.
Published data (Visser, ICTWSS 5.1., 2016) show a remarkable stability of union density in Portugal until 2011. It would be necessary to do further in-depth research in order to check whether this picture reflects the real trends. The latest published data (Visser, ICTWSS 5.1, 2016) reported that CGTP comprised around 460,000 members in 2011 and UGT around 193,000 in the same year and that independent unions comprised around 19,000 members. There is some discrepancy between this data and the own assessment by trade union confederations, in particular by UGT. According to the CGTP report (13th congress of CGTP /February 2016), this confederation has lost almost 64,000 members in the last four years, one-tenth of the 614,000 members it had in 2012. UGT reported (Expresso, 20 April 2016) they had lost 80,000 members in those four years, estimating they have at present around 420,000 members.
Union density is particularly high in public administration and in large state-owned companies, and it is above the average in transport and manufacturing.
2010 |
2011 |
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
Source |
|
Trade union density in terms of active employees |
19.3 |
18.3 |
18.5 |
n.a |
n.a |
n.a |
(Visser ICTWSS 5.1, 2016) |
Trade union membership in 1,000s |
770 |
723 |
700 |
n.a |
n.a |
n.a |
(Visser ICTWSS 5.1, 2016) |
There are two trade union confederations (CGTP and UGT) that have access to tripartite social concertation at macro level (Standing Committee for Social Concertation, CPCS).
Long name |
Abbreviation |
Members |
Involved in collective bargaining |
General Confederation of Portuguese Workers (Confederação Geral dos Trabalhadores Portugueses – Intersindical Nacional) |
CGTP-IN |
In 2011, approximately 460,000 Source: ICTWSS Database 5.1 September 2016 in XLSX, J. Visser, (AIAS), University of Amsterdam |
No, not directly (only via its member organisations) |
General Union of Workers (União Geral de Trabalhadores) |
UGT |
In 2011, approximately 193,000 Source: ICTWSS Database 5.1 September 2016 in XLSX, Jelle Visser, (AIAS), University of Amsterdam |
No, not directly (only via its member organisations) |
Union Federation of Financial Sector (Federação Nacional do Sector Financeiro) |
FEBASE (UGT) |
At present, approximately 79,000 (large share of retired workers) Source: Data based on results of internal elections at the three unions in the banking sector and authors’ estimates of membership of the two unions in the insurance industry |
Yes |
Federation of unions of Metal Chemical, Electric, Pharmaceutical, Paper, Printing, Energy and Mining industries (Federação Intersindical das Indústrias Metalúrgicas, Químicas, Eléctricas, Farmacêutica, Celulose, Papel, Gráfica, Imprensa, Energia e Minas) |
FIEQUIMETAL (CGTP-IN) |
Due to a broad and complex process of mergers carried out by FIEQUIMETAL during the past few years, it is difficult to estimate the membership numbers of this federation, but FIEQUIMETAL probably has between 70,000 and 90,000 members |
|
National Federation of Teachers (Federação Nacional dos Professores) |
FENPROF (CGTP-IN) |
60,000 Source: Data based on results of internal elections at the member unions |
|
National Federation of Public Sector Trade Unions (Federação Nacional dos Sindicatos da Função Pública) |
FNSFP (CGTP-IN) |
Between 50,000 and 65,000 Source: Data based on results of internal elections at the member unions |
|
Federation of unions of Textile, Wool, Clothing, Footwear and Leather workers (Federação dos Sindicatos dos Trabalhadores Têxteis, Lanifícios, Vestuário, Calçado e Peles de Portugal) |
FESETE (CGTP-IN) |
50,000 Source: Data based on results of internal elections at the member unions |
During the past 15 years, the most comprehensive and profound restructuring among Portuguese unions was carried out by FIEQUIMETAL. The process began in 1999 with the merger of CGTP’s metal and chemical and chemical workers’ federations and was continued in 2007 with the integration of the electrical workers’ federation. In 2010, eight of FIEQUIMETAL’s member unions merged into four newly created regional unions covering several branches of manufacturing. In the same year, the national Union of Paper and Printing Workers integrated itself into these four new organisations. FIEQUIMETAL now covers the following sectors: metal, chemical, electrical, pharmaceutical, paper and pulp, graphical, press, energy and mining.
Another important structuring process occurred in 2007 when UGT’s three banking and two insurance unions created the National Federation of the Finance Sector (FEBASE). During the same year, CGTP’s transport and communication unions founded FECTRANS. In contrast to FIEQUIMETAL, the creation of FEBASE and FECTRANS did not result in restructuring the member organisations.
The Constitution guarantees the right to organise voluntarily and protects against any coercion to affiliate in an association, and the Labour Code specifies this right for employers’ organisations.
As regards the legal status of interest associations, there is an important distinction between the employers’ organisations that are recognised as social partners on the one hand and pure trade associations on the other.
The main employers’ organisations that are represented in the most important cross-sectoral, national institution for social dialogue, the Permanent Commission of Social Concertation (Comissão Permanente de Concertação Social, CPCS) are: the Entrepreneurial Confederation of Portugal (Confederação Empresarial de Portugal, CIP), the Confederation of Commerce and Services of Portugal (Confederação do Comércio e Serviços de Portugal, CCP), the Confederation of Farmers of Portugal (Confederação dos Agricultores de Portugal, CAP), and the Confederation of Portuguese Tourism (Confederação do Turismo Português, CTP).
The Entrepreneurial Confederation of Portugal was founded in 2010 as a result of the merger of the Confederation of Portuguese Industry (CIP) with the two large national entrepreneurial associations, AIP and AEP. With this merger, CIP consolidated its leading role in the employers’ camp.
There are no published membership data regarding employers’ organisations. However the annual mandatory survey to all companies in the market sector (Relatório Único) includes a question to employers about their affiliation in employers’ associations and their number of employees, which allows to estimate the overall employers’ organisations density in terms of the percentage of companies that are affiliated (19% in 2014) and in terms of active employees (39% in 2014), as reported in the Green Paper on Labour Relations 2016.
2012 |
2013 |
Source |
2014 |
Source |
|
Employers’ organisation density in terms of active employees |
- |
34% |
ECS 2013 survey question: ‘Is your company a member of any employers’ organisation which participates in collective bargaining?’ |
39% |
National Source: Relatório Único/ Green Paper on Labour Relations 2016 |
Employers’ organisation density in private sector establishments* |
n.a. |
- |
European Company Survey 2013 |
19% |
National Source: Relatório Único/Green Paper on Labour Relations 2016 |
* Percentage of employees working in an establishment that is a member of any employers’ organisation that is involved in collective bargaining.
There are two main employers’ confederations (CIP and CCP) covering more than one sector that have access to the body of tripartite social concertation at macro level (Standing Committee for Social Concertation, CPCS).
Long name |
Abbreviation |
Members |
Year |
Involved in collective bargaining |
Entrepreneurial Confederation of Portugal (Confederação Empresarial de Portugal) |
CIP |
Approximately 820,000 (without members of Chambers of Industry and Commerce) Source: Authors’ calculations based on data provided by CIP |
2013 |
No, only via its members |
Confederation of Trade and Services of Portugal (Confederação do Comércio e Serviços de Portugal) |
CCP |
No data |
- |
No, only via its members |
The tripartite body for social concertation at macro level is the Standing Committee for Social Concertation (Comissão Permanente de Concertação Social – CPCS). It was created in 1984 and produced several agreements on income policies, setting reference values for the wage increases in collective bargaining. In 1990 and 1996, broad pacts covering a wide range of areas were signed. These agreements were only signed by one trade union confederation, UGT; CGTP-IN did not sign any of them.
In 1991, the first specific agreements were signed at the CPCS: one on health and safety at the workplace and the other on vocational education and training. After the last broad agreement signed in 1996 (which was also the last agreement with guidelines for wage bargaining), this new type of specific agreement became the dominant means of social concertation until 2008. CGTP-IN signed several agreements of this type. The areas covered by these specific agreements were health and safety (1991, 2000, 2006), occupational training (1991, 2000, 2007), public pension schemes (2001, 2006), and the minimum wage mid-term agreement (2006). The tripartite agreements of 2008 and 2012 encompassed again a large number of issues including the revision of labour legislation, both against the opposition of CGTP. Analysis of social dialogue under the shadow of Troika and of tripartite agreement 2012 suggest that mostly the government combined unilateral decision with subordinating social dialogue to MoU demands and that no significant trade-off was really achieved (Campos Lima and Abrantes, 2016; Almeida et al, 2016).
Since the last quarter of 2014, tripartite concertation regained importance with the signing of a tripartite agreement on an increase in the minimum wage. In the new political cycle, initiated at the end of 2015, with the government of the Socialist Party supported by left-wing parties, three tripartite agreements were signed for 2016, 2017 and 2018 covering various issues. While the tripartite agreement for 2016 focused only on the implementation of the minimum wage update, the tripartite agreements in 2017 and 2018 covered a broader range of issues with implications for labour reforms. Following the Tripartite Commitment for a Mid-term Concertation Agreement signed in 2017, the government revised the criteria for the extension of collective agreements (see ‘Extension mechanisms’) and a bipartite agreement between employer confederations and trade union confederations temporarily suspended (for 18 months) any unilateral initiatives demanding the expiration of agreements (see ‘Expiry of collective agreements’).
In June 2018, the Tripartite Agreement on Combating Precarious Work and Labour Market Segmentation and Promoting Greater Dynamism in Collective Bargaining introduced proposals to reinforce arbitration before the expiry of collective agreements and to protect workers’ acquired rights in some domains (see ‘Expiry of collective agreements’). Also proposed was an extension of the range of issues to which the favor laboratoris principle applies. At the same time, the tripartite agreement introduced new challenges regarding collective agreements and workplace decision-making on working time flexibility. Legislation implementing these proposals is expected to come into force in the first quarter of 2019. The tripartite agreements of 2017 and 2018 were not signed by CGTP. Among the reasons for not signing is GCTP’s demand for an in-depth revision of the legal framework of collective bargaining in order to fully re-establish the principle of favor laboratoris and to allow collective agreements to expire only following a joint decision of the signatory parties.
Name |
Type |
Level |
Issues covered |
Standing Committee for Social Concertation (Comissão Permanente de Concertação Social, CPCS) |
Tripartite |
National |
All issues related to work relations, employment, economic and social affairs; agreements may refer to political strategies and/or to specific measures |
The rights of works councils (comissões de trabalhadores) and trade union organisation at the company level are guaranteed by the Constitution and regulated by the Labour Code.
The competences of works councils are largely limited to information and consultation. The legal possibility of unions to delegate their ability to sign collective agreements to works councils created in 2009 and extended in 2012 did not have any effect in practice.
Unions have the exclusive right to sign legally binding collective agreements and to call for strikes. Union structures at company level (delegates or committees) are involved in collective bargaining if the trade union board wants to be. It is the board who makes the decisions in relation to the negotiations.
Data from the ECS confirm the findings of a survey in the 1990s: the trade union delegates are the most numerous bodies (in terms of establishments and employees covered).
Regulation |
Composition |
Competences of the body Involved in company level collective bargaining? |
Thresholds/rules when they need to be/can be set up |
|
Workers’ Commission (Comissão de Trabalhadores, CT) |
Constitution of the Portuguese Republic and Labour Code |
Workers elected by all employees of the company |
No, but since 2009 (and extended in 2012), the Labour Code allows unions to delegate their right to collective bargaining to representative bodies at company level. This includes CTs. (The central competence of CTs is information and consultation.) |
CTs can be created in all companies. There is no threshold. |
Trade union delegate (Delegado Sindical) |
Constitution of the Portuguese Republic and Labour Code |
Delegate elected by the members of the respective union employed in the company |
Involved via their trade union. The signing party of collective agreements is always the union. |
Union delegates may be elected in all companies. There is no threshold. |
Union Committee (Comissão Sindical, CS) or Inter-union Committee (Comissão Intersindical, CIS) |
Constitution of the Portuguese Republic and Labour Code |
Constituted by Union Delegates of one (CS) or several (CIS) unions |
Involved via their trade union(s). The signing party of collective agreements is always the union. |
Union Committees and Inter-Union committees may be elected in all companies. There is no threshold. |
Industrial action and disputes
In Portugal, strikes are the most widely used form of industrial action by far. The right to strike is guaranteed by the Constitution since 1976, which establishes that the workers are themselves competent to define the scope of the interests to be defended by means of strike action, and that this scope may not be restricted by the law. In parallel with establishing the right to strike, it prohibits the use of lockouts. Other forms of industrial dispute, such as sit-ins and other disruptive actions, were relevant during the revolutionary period (1974–1975) and its aftermath, but they do not occur any longer. An exception may be when workers at a factory that is closing try to stop the withdrawal of equipment and material from the establishment in order to avoid their sale before the company has paid its debt to the dismissed workforce.
Work-to-rule or refusal to do overtime |
13% |
Work stoppage or strike for less than a day |
12% |
Strike of a day or more |
31% |
Blockade or occupation |
3% |
Note: Percentage of private sector establishments reporting any form of industrial action during the indicated period.
Source: European Company Survey 2013
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
|
Working days lost per 1,000 employees |
44.4 |
32.5 |
11.1 |
8.0 |
4.7 |
Number of strikes |
127 |
119 |
90 |
75 |
76 |
Top four reasons |
Wages (26.9%) Working conditions (19.5%) Statute of the company (8.5%) Employment and training (6%) |
Wages (19.5%) Working conditions (17.1%) Statute of company (17.1%) Employment and training (12.5%) |
Wages (17.9%) Working conditions (15.0%) Statute of company (8.1%) Employment and training (6.3%) |
Wages (50.4%) Working Conditions (12.0%) Collective regulation procedures (7.2%) Employment and training (2.0%) |
Source: GEE, 2014a, 2014b; GEP, 2016, 2017.
The Labour Code regulates the following collective dispute resolution mechanisms:
The Labour Code (Article 492-2 f) stipulates that collective agreements shall regulate conflicts regarding employment contracts, ‘namely by conciliation, mediation and arbitration’. It seems that the most important collective agreements revised since 2009 (textile, clothing, shoe, metal, construction, commerce) do not make use of this legal possibility to regulate the resolution of individual conflicts.
In the case of disciplinary measures against an individual worker and in case of dismissal, the respective works council and trade union organisations must be informed (Labour Code, Articles 353, 356–357). In the case of the dismissal of a worker resulting from the extinction of the workplace or because of ‘inadaptation’ of the worker to the demands of his or her job, the respective works council and trade union organisations must be informed and consulted (Labour Code, Articles 370, 375, 377–378).
The Labour Code (Article 387) states that the legality and admissibility of a dismissal can only be judged by a legal court.
The most common forms of collective dispute resolution in Portugal in relation to collective bargaining are conciliation and mediation. Arbitration is extremely rare. The Annual Report on Collective Bargaining 2015 and 2017 (CRL/MTSSS, 2016; 2018) examined the trends observed in the period 2005–2015, concluding that the most common and most successful form of dispute resolution has been conciliation. Mediation has been less frequent and with more limited results. Between 2005 and 2015, only one decision based on voluntary arbitration was published, and three processes of compulsory arbitration were concluded. There have been no developments in the two years since. As to the necessary arbitration, there has not been a single case in the last decade.
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
2017 |
2018 |
|
Conciliation* |
35 |
52 |
61 |
63 |
|||
Mediation* |
8 |
7 |
11 |
11 |
|||
Voluntary arbitration |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
Compulsory arbitration |
1 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
|
Necessary arbitration |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
0 |
Notes: * Number of yearly requests.
Source: CRL, MTSSS, 2016; 2018; and DGERT/BTE online.
Individual employment relations
Individual employment relations are the relationships between the individual worker and their employer. This relationship is shaped by legal regulation and by the outcomes of social partner negotiations over the terms and conditions governing the employment relationship. This section looks into the start and termination of the employment relationship and entitlements and obligations in Portugal.
According to the Portuguese Labour Code (Law 7/2009 of 12 February, Article 68-2), the minimum working age is 16 years. A person aged less than 16 who has completed compulsory education may be hired for soft jobs with adequate tasks (Article 68-3), or in a family company a person aged less than 16 may work under the direct supervision of an adult family member (Article 68-4). In any case, the employer must inform the inspecting authority about the hiring of a person aged less than 16 within eight days (Article 68-5).
In Portugal, employment contracts are not subject to specific formalities. However, the Portuguese Labour Code requires that employment contracts in a written form should include information regarding:
There is no timeframe for signing the contract. The Labour Code protects workers who do not have clear contractual situations. A worker who does not have a written and signed contract may be considered as an effective worker.
According to the Portuguese Labour Code (Law 7/2009 of 12 February), in its article 340, an employment contract may be terminated due to:
Dismissal of the employee without just cause or for political or ideological reasons is forbidden.
The employer must inform the employee of the notice period for termination of the employment contract.
Portuguese legislation regulates parental leave, not maternity or paternity leave. Nonetheless, it contains an incentive that favours those cases where both parents use the parental leave.
Maternity leave |
|
Maximum duration |
In Portugal there are no specific arrangements regarding maternity leave. |
Reimbursement |
Not applicable |
Who pays? |
Not applicable |
Legal basis |
Not applicable |
Parental leave |
|
Maximum duration |
Initial parental leave is 120 or 150 consecutive days of leave. It is obligatory for the mother to take 42 days (six weeks) following the birth; the remaining period may be shared between the father and the mother by mutual agreement. The duration of the leave is extended by 30 days in the case of shared leave; each parent takes a leave of 30 consecutive days or two periods of 15 consecutive days. Mothers have the option to take up to 30 days of initial parental leave before birth. It is obligatory for the father to take 15 working days’ exclusive parental leave, of which five days must be taken consecutively immediately after birth and 10 days during the subsequent 30 days. Initial parental benefit is extended by 30 days per child in the case of multiple births. In the case of multiple births, an extra two days for each child (besides the first one) are added to the compulsory parental leave exclusive of the father. There is an extended parental leave. This may be granted to one or to both parents (alternately), up to a maximum period of three months (for each parent) provided that it takes places immediately after the Initial Parental Benefit or after the Extended Parental Benefit from the other parent. |
Reimbursement |
The parental leave benefit varies according to the option of the parental leave: - 120 and 150 days’ initial parental leave corresponds to a daily allowance of 100% and 80% of the average daily wage, respectively. - In the case of shared leave between the father and the mother of 150 or 180 days, the benefit corresponds to a daily allowance of 100% or 83% of the average daily wage, respectively. When the level of earnings is very low, the law provides a minimum amount of €11.62 per day, equal to 80% of the 1/30 Index of Social Support (€435.76 in 2019). For the extended parental leave of three months the benefit corresponds to a daily allowance of 25% of the average daily wage. When the level of earnings is very low, the law provides a minimum amount of €5.81 per day, equal to 40% of the 1/30 Index of Social Support (€435.76 in 2019). |
Who pays? |
The public social security system is responsible for the payment of these leaves. |
Legal basis |
Decree law 91/2009 of 9 April, amended by Decree-Law 70/2010 of 16 June, Decree-Law 133/2012 of 27 June, Law 120/2015 of 1 September and Decree-Law 53/2018 of 2 July. Law 7/2009 of 12 February (Labour Code) – updated version |
Paternity leave |
|
In Portugal, there are no specific arrangements regarding paternity leave. |
In Portugal, the right to paid sick leave is granted by law (Decree-Law 28/2004 of 4 February, with the changes introduced by Decree-Law 146/2005 of 26 August, Decree-Law 302/2009 of 22 October, Law 28/2011 of 16 June, Decree-Law 133/2012 of 27 June and Decree-Law 53/2018 of 2 July) to employees working under a labour contract (the worker should have made contributions to the social security system for at least six months, consecutive or not) and, optionally, to independent workers too. Additionally, beneficiaries must have registered earnings for at least twelve days of work in the four months immediately before the month preceding the onset of incapacity. However, this condition does not apply to self-employed workers or to seafarers covered by the voluntary social security scheme (these workers must have paid their social security contributions up to the end of the third month preceding the onset of incapacity).
The benefit is payable from the fourth day of incapacity for work onwards (there is an unpaid three-day waiting period) in the case of employees or from the 31st day of incapacity for work onwards (unpaid 30-day waiting period) in the case of self-employed workers or beneficiaries covered by the voluntary social security scheme.
No waiting period is applicable in case of: i) tuberculosis, ii) hospitalisation or outpatient surgery treatment in a duly authorised establishment, iii) sickness initiated during the entitlement period to the parental benefit and extending beyond this period.
This payment is granted by the state through social security. The amount of this allowance is calculated as a percentage of the worker’s salary (this salary is determined by taking into account the average salary of the previous six months before the sickness, Christmas and Holiday allowances excluded), but this percentage varies according to the duration of the leave and to the nature of the sickness.
The amount of the average daily pay covered by sickness allowance varies according to the duration of the incapacity to work: 55% for up to 30 days; 60% for 31–90 days; 70% for 91–365 days; and 75% if it is more than 365 days.
The minimum rate of benefits payable is set at 30% of the daily amount of Index of Social Support (€435.76 in 2019). Where the person's reference income is lower than the Index of Social Support, the sickness benefit will be equal to the reference income. The benefits cannot exceed the reference income. The employment relationship may be terminated while the employee is on sick leave (Law 7/2009 of 12 February (Labour Code).
Ordinance 25/2018 of 18 January established that the normal age of entitlement to old age pension in 2019 is 66 years and 5 months.
Early retirement can be claimed if the insured person has both a minimum age of 60 and 40 years of contributory career. Early retirement is penalised according to the established by Decree-Law 187/2007 of 10 May: 0.5% per month of anticipation reduced by 12 months for every period of three years for those with more than 30 years of insurance record. There is also a sustainability factor to be included in the formula applied for the calculation of early retirement pensions, which takes into account the average life expectancy and is currently set at 13.88 percent.
Decree-Law 119/2018 of 27 December proceeds to the eighth amendment of the Decree-Law 187/2007 and establishes the new flexibilisation scheme regarding the age of access to the early retirement:
There is a special pathway to retirement for long-term unemployed older workers. If unemployment occurs after the completion of 57 years, retirement is allowed, without penalties, at the age of 62. If unemployment occurs between the ages of 52 and 56, retirement is allowed, with penalties, at the age of 57. In this latter case, the qualifying period is increased from 15 to 22 years of insurance.
There are special retirement conditions for people with arduous jobs, such as miners, seafarers in fisheries, maritime workers of merchant navy, coastal navigation and coastal fishery, air traffic controllers, professional classical and contemporary dancers and embroiderers from Madeira Island. These professionals may request early retirement within the specific conditions set up for each activity as regards age and contributory records, but they always have to comply with the 15-year (successive or not) record of contributions for Social Security or for any other social protection scheme which entitles them to a retirement pension.
Pay
Pay: For workers, the reward for work and main source of income; for employers, a cost of production and focus of bargaining and legislation. This section looks into minimum wage setting in Portugal and guides the reader to further material on collective wage bargaining.
According to the most recent ILO report on Portugal (ILO, 2018) real average wages (according to data from GEP’s Quadros de Pessoal and CPI) increased 12% between 2002 and 2012, before sliding back as Portugal entered a period of further economic turbulence. The years of intervention by the troika (2011–2014), with the dramatic blockade of collective bargaining and extensions, and freezing of the minimum wage, contributed to this regression. As highlighted by the ILO report, the wage recovery only started in 2015. Pay developments in recent years were influenced by the new political cycle and the measures that helped recovery – in particular, the increase in the minimum wage and a certain recovery of collective bargaining. Nevertheless, the ILO study estimates that the real average wage in Portugal in 2016 was only 3% higher than in 2007. Portugal remains a low-wage country by European standards, as the monthly median wage in enterprises with 10 employees or more is less than €900 per month, compared with €2,000 for the EU as a whole (ILO, 2018, p. 115).
Monthly average basic nominal wages per worker (euro)
|
2012 |
|
2017 |
|
NACE |
Men |
Women |
Men |
Women |
A |
756.92 |
603.34 |
766.02 |
673.16 |
B |
898.89 |
1 000.87 |
971.57 |
1110.74 |
C |
938.57 |
687.03 |
983.28 |
766.59 |
D |
2 361.58 |
2 263.47 |
2076.98 |
2037.44 |
E |
847.67 |
984.60 |
853.60 |
1023.33 |
F |
796.48 |
895.08 |
799.29 |
890.84 |
G |
940.93 |
778.48 |
960.01 |
831.57 |
H |
957.49 |
1 157.54 |
963.03 |
1178.82 |
I |
745.63 |
612.35 |
776.68 |
666.62 |
J |
1 599.66 |
1 373.84 |
1600.27 |
1368.07 |
K |
1 758.36 |
1 382.87 |
1780.12 |
1406.90 |
L |
1 130.47 |
844.20 |
1103.19 |
880.55 |
M |
1 412.08 |
1 027.67 |
1406.22 |
1067.34 |
N |
812.54 |
725.85 |
804.35 |
764.59 |
O |
869.49 |
951.86 |
827.37 |
942.32 |
P |
1 287.80 |
1 073.08 |
1324.12 |
1075.15 |
R |
1 075.19 |
772.97 |
1126.57 |
829.91 |
S |
2 038.92 |
843.82 |
2109.27 |
911.02 |
T |
1 043.62 |
769.63 |
1044.41 |
808.41 |
U |
1 765.38 |
2 091.41 |
2138.34 |
1889.21 |
Source: GEP/MTSSS, 2013, 2018 (based on Quadros de Pessoal 2012 and Quadros de Pessoal 2017 ).
The statutory minimum wage was created during the democratic revolution of 1974. It is set by the government after consultation with the social partners. There are no fixed rules or permanent expert committees. Until 2011, the increases usually took place at the start of every year.
In 2006, a tripartite agreement was signed at the CPCS (by the government and all union and employers’ confederations), stipulating that the minimum wage would be increased until 2011 at a pace that was foreseeably faster than the increase of collectively agreed wages. The aim was to reach €500 per month in 2011, but the escalation of the crisis and Troika MoU requirements stopped the process at €485 (2011). The government imposed a freeze of the minimum wage during three years. No other agreements were made until 2014, when a tripartite agreement was signed at the CPCS to increase the minimum wage for 2015 to €505. In the new political cycle, two tripartite agreements were signed regarding the conditions of implementation of the minimum wage update to €530 for 2016 and to €557 for 2017. It is relevant to note that a trajectory of the minimum wage increase to reach €600 in 2019 is part of the parliamentary deals with the left parties and one of the conditions they put forward to support the government of the Socialist Party (See the section Tripartite and bipartite bodies and concertation.) The minimum wage increase for 2018 to €580 had into consideration this trajectory.
For more information regarding the level and development of minimum wages, please see:
For more detailed information on the most recent outcomes in terms of collectively agreed pay, please see:
Working time
Working time: ‘Any period during which the worker is working, at the employer’s disposal and carrying out his activities or duties, in accordance with national laws and/or practice’ (Directive 2003/88/EC). This section briefly summarises regulation and issues regarding working time, overtime, part-time work as well as working time flexibility in Portugal.
Working time is regulated by the Labour Code, by collective bargaining and by employers at company level.
The Labour Code sets the general framework by defining basic notions, by setting certain limits, such as for regular weekly working time and possible deviations from it, which may result from regulations regarding flexibility (working time accounts), and by regulating different types of flexible working time arrangements.
Collective agreements at branch, professional or company level may regulate the working time in the respective areas within the stipulations of the Labour Code. There is no articulation between the different levels of collective bargaining.
Employers regulate working time in their companies within the stipulations of the Labour Code and of the respective collective agreement (if there is one). The Labour Code introduced in 2009 working time accounts ( banco de horas), making their introduction in companies dependent on their regulation by collective agreement. However, since 2012, the Labour Code introduced the possibility of individual negotiations between employers and employees – without unions or employee representatives and circumventing sector collective agreements – on individual working time accounts. This clause is about to be eliminated, following the tripartite agreement 2018 (CES, 2018). This agreement proposes alternative ‘group working time accounts’ to be decided in company referendums organised by employers, under the surveillance of trade unions and worker representatives; however, this alternative was rejected by CGTP on the grounds that it also undermines collective bargaining (working time flexibility).
For more detailed information on working time (including annual leave, statutory and collectively agreed working time), please consult:
Overtime is regulated by the Labour Code, by collective bargaining and by employers at company level.
The Labour Code sets the general framework by defining basic notions and by setting certain limits, for example to the maximum number of overtime hours per year and per day.
Collective agreements at branch, professional or company level may regulate overtime in the respective areas within the stipulations of the Labour Code. There is no articulation between the different levels of collective bargaining.
Employers regulate overtime in their companies within the stipulations of the Labour Code and of the respective collective agreement (if there is one).
The amendments to the 2012 Labour Code reduced by half overtime time payment and suspended for two years collective bargaining provisions more favourable to the workers.
According to the Portuguese Labour Code (Law 7/2009 of 12 February), a part-time worker is an employed person whose normal working hours are lower than the normal working hours prevailing in the enterprise/institution, for the respective professional category or in the respective occupation. In 2018, 7.8% of the Portuguese workforce had a part-time job, slightly less than half of the EU28 average. Part-time work is more evident among Portuguese female workers. Although the difference has been decreasing over the years, the percentage of female workers working part time is still considerably higher than that of male workers.
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
2017 |
2018 |
|
Total (EU28) |
18.6 |
19 |
19 |
19 |
18.9 |
18.7 |
18.5 |
Total (Portugal) |
11 |
10.8 |
9.9 |
9.6 |
9.2 |
8.6 |
7.8 |
Women (EU28) |
31.4 |
31.8 |
31.7 |
31.5 |
31.4 |
31.1 |
30.8 |
Women (Portugal) |
14 |
13.7 |
12.4 |
12.3 |
11.9 |
11.4 |
10.2 |
Men (EU28) |
7.7 |
8.1 |
8.2 |
8.2 |
8.2 |
8.1 |
8 |
Men (Portugal) |
8.1 |
8 |
7.5 |
6.9 |
6.6 |
5.8 |
5.4 |
Source: Eurostat Labour Force Survey [lfsi_pt_a] – Persons employed part-time (20 to 64 years of age) – total and by sex.
Involuntary part-time workers can be defined as those working part time because they could not find a full-time job.
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
2017 |
2018 |
|
Total (EU28) |
27.7 |
29.3 |
29.6 |
29.1 |
27.7 |
26.4 |
24.8 |
Total (Portugal) |
47.4 |
48.8 |
49.3 |
50.1 |
48.7 |
47.5 |
45.2 |
Women (EU28) |
24.5 |
26 |
26.3 |
25.7 |
24.6 |
23.2 |
22.1 |
Women (Portugal) |
51.6 |
52.8 |
53.7 |
54.5 |
52.5 |
49.2 |
48 |
Men (EU28) |
38.5 |
39.9 |
40.2 |
39.9 |
37.6 |
36.2 |
33.4 |
Men (Portugal) |
40.7 |
42.2 |
42.3 |
42.4 |
42.1 |
44.3 |
40.1 |
Source: Eurostat Labour Force Survey [lfsa_eppgai]- involuntary part-time employment as a percentage of the total part-time employment, by sex and age (20 to 64 years of age)
According to the Portuguese Labour Code (article 223), night work means a period with a minimum duration of seven hours and a maximum duration of eleven hours, including the time range between midnight and 05.00, comprised in the period between 22.00 of one day and 07.00 of the next day unless provided otherwise by collective agreement instrument.
Shift work (article 220 of the Portuguese Labour Code) means that the work is performed in daily and successive, continuous or discontinuous periods and the workers change periodically and regularly from one working schedule to the subsequent one, according to a pre-established scale.
The Portuguese Labour Code makes no reference to weekend work.
The Portuguese Labour Code (Law 7/2009 of 12 February) establishes in its articles 214 and 232 the right of the worker to a daily rest of at least eleven consecutive hours between two consecutive periods of daily work; and the right to at least one day of rest per week. A period of complementary weekly rest, continuous or discontinuous, in all or in some weeks of the year, may be imposed by collective agreement instrument or by employment contract.
Law 7/2009 of 12 February and Law 23/2012 of 25 June introduced significant changes in working time regulations in Portugal. While the standard working time continued to be 40 hours a week and 8 hours per day, new forms of working time flexibility and new regulations on overtime were introduced.
Law 7/2009 of 12 February introduced the regime of working time adaptability, with the possibility of working 60 hours a week and 12 hours per day, to be set up by collective agreements, with the condition that it would not exceed 50 hours on average for a period of two months. It also introduced a regime of individual adaptability whereby employer and employee can have an individual agreement defining periods of normal working time of 10 hours per day and 50 hours per week. Furthermore, it introduced regulations regarding working time accounts ( banco de horas), which allowed 4 hours of additional work per day or up to 60 hours a week, up to a maximum of 200 hours a year, making their introduction in the companies dependent on their regulation by collective agreement. The Law 23/2012 introduced the concept of individual working time accounts (banco de horas individual) to be negotiated between the employer and the individual employee, without the interference of the unions or of worker representatives, a measure that weakened collective bargaining and the bargaining power of the unions. This measure is about to be eliminated – legislation is expected in Q1 2019 – following the tripartite agreement 2018 (CES, 2018), which proposes alternative ‘group working time accounts’ to be decided on the basis of company referendums (see ‘Working time regulation’).
The Portuguese Labour Code, in Article 56, provides that the worker with a child under 12 years of age (or with a child, regardless of age, with a disability or a long-term illness) has the right to working time flexibility. Flexible working time is defined as the possibility to choose, within certain limits, the start and end of the working day. The worker with working time flexibility may work up to 6 consecutive hours and up to 10 hours each day and must fulfil the corresponding normal weekly working period, on average for each four-week period.
Health and well-being
Maintaining health and well-being should be a high priority for workers and employers alike. Health is an asset closely associated with a person’s quality of life and longevity, as well as their ability to work. A healthy economy depends on a healthy workforce: organisations can experience loss of productivity through the ill-health of their workers. This section looks into psychosocial risks and health and safety in Portugal.
Law 7/2009, of 12 February (articles 281 to 284) establishes the general principles on health and safety at work; and Law 102/2009, of 10 September, regulates the legal regime for the promotion and prevention of health and safety at work, in accordance with the provisions in article 284 of the Law 7/2009, of 12 February.
The table below shows that the number of accidents at work has been decreasing over time, with some fluctuations. However, between 2015 and 2016, there were 1,456 fewer accidents, representing a decrease of 1.3%.
2008 |
2009 |
2010 |
2011 |
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
|
All accidents |
145,666 |
133,100 |
124,738 |
121,730 |
109,511 |
107,086 |
111,134 |
113,392 |
111,936 |
Percentage change on previous year |
-8.6 |
-6.3 |
-2.4 |
-10.0 |
-2.2 |
3.8 |
2.0 |
-1.3 |
|
Per 1,000 employees |
37.6 |
35.3 |
33.2 |
32.8 |
30.9 |
31.0 |
30.8 |
30.6 |
29.6 |
Source: Eurostat Labour Force Survey [hsw_mi02] – accidents at work by days lost, by sex and age
Men are more vulnerable to accidents at work, both fatal and non-fatal. The number of accidents involving an absence of four or more days from work increased in 2016: in 2016, there were 135,034 accidents with more than four days’ absence, representing an increase of 3.7 compared to 2014.
2010 |
2011 |
2012 |
2013 |
2014 |
2015 |
2016 |
||
Non-fatal |
215,424 |
208,987 |
193,436 |
195,418 |
203,388 |
208,296 |
207,429 |
|
Sex |
Men |
160,417 |
151,999 |
134,057 |
134,728 |
143,523 |
144,176 |
142,026 |
Women |
55,007 |
56,988 |
59,379 |
60,690 |
59,705 |
64,120 |
65,403 |
|
Age group |
Up to 34 years |
76,319 |
73,581 |
67,776 |
63,432 |
64,697 |
63,456 |
63,030 |
35–44 years |
59,266 |
59,370 |
56,592 |
56,394 |
57,555 |
58,098 |
56,050 |
|
45–54 years |
49,994 |
47,972 |
46,124 |
46,221 |
50,208 |
51,480 |
52,285 |
|
55+ years |
25,094 |
24,947 |
21,754 |
23,535 |
26,889 |
29,905 |
30,522 |
|
Unknown |
4,752 |
3,117 |
1,199 |
5,837 |
4,092 |
5,184 |
5.542 |
|
Accidents with four days’ absence or more |
142,313 |
137,590 |
125,850 |
123,150 |
130,215 |
134,378 |
135,034 |
|
Fatal |
208 |
196 |
175 |
160 |
160 |
161 |
138 |
|
Sex |
Men |
199 |
188 |
168 |
154 |
153 |
159 |
134 |
Women |
9 |
8 |
7 |
6 |
7 |
2 |
4 |
|
Age group |
Up to 34 years |
49 |
39 |
36 |
30 |
18 |
33 |
11 |
35–44 years |
53 |
45 |
38 |
42 |
39 |
34 |
25 |
|
45–54 years |
56 |
66 |
52 |
48 |
65 |
58 |
47 |
|
55+ years |
50 |
46 |
49 |
40 |
38 |
34 |
55 |
Source: Occupational Accidents (2011, 2012, 2016 and 2018) – Ministry of Labour, Solidarity, and Social Security / Office for Strategy and Planning (Acidentes de trabalho – Ministério do Trabalho, Solidariedade e Segurança Social, MTSSS /GEP)
Law 102/2009 of 10 September, Article 15, amended by Law 3/2014 of 28 January, specifies that besides chemical, physical and biological risks, the employer must ensure that exposure to psychosocial risks is limited and that the safety and health of workers is not at risk.
Law 73/2017 of 16 August reinforces the legal framework that regulates harassment at work in the private and public sectors, amending the Portuguese Labour Code, the Labour Procedure Code and the General Labour Law in Public Functions. Companies with seven or more employees are required to adopt codes of good conduct aimed at preventing and combating harassment at work. Noncompliance constitutes a very serious administrative infringement, triggering penalties of variable amounts, depending on the company’s annual turnover and the employer’s degree of responsibility.
Recently the ‘Guide for the development of the code of good conduct for preventing and combating harassment at work’ (Guia para a elaboração do código de boa conduta para a prevenção e combate ao assédio no trabalho) was launched by the Commission for Equality in Labour and Employment (Comissão para a Igualdade no Trabalho e no Emprego, CITE). It aims to assist employers in the creation of a management tool to facilitate the policy of zero tolerance to harassment.
Skills, learning and employability
Skills are the passport to employment; the better skilled an individual, the more employable they are. Good skills also tend to secure better-quality jobs and better earnings. This section briefly summarises the Portuguese system for ensuring skills and employability and looks into the extent of training.
The Qualifica centres are responsible for the educational and occupational Recognition, Validation and Certification of Competences (RVCC) processes for adults; collaborating in the definition of criteria for structuring a network of educational and training opportunities appropriate to local qualification needs, improving contact between schools and companies’ training centres; monitoring the young people’s and adult’s paths referred for different qualification solutions to benchmark the fulfilment or deviation of the trajectories defined; and collecting information regarding the interaction between the learning outcomes of young people and adults and the labour market in order to improve the quality of education and training system.
The Recognition, Validation and Certification of Competences System (Sistema de Reconhecimento, Validação e Certificação de Competências, RVCC) allows accreditation for skills and competencies that have been acquired in different learning contexts, including personal, professional and social life. RVCC includes three stages: recognition (of knowledge, know-how and skills of each applicant), validation (of skills through a standard assessment) and certification of skills (which is formalised by issuing a certificate of basic education at level 1, 2 or 3 or a secondary education diploma, depending on the case).
The Qualifica programme comprises a set of lifelong learning measures that had been implemented within the ‘New Opportunities’ initiative and was subsequently discontinued.
This programme focuses on adult education and training, complementing a process of certification with training. Its main objective is to contribute to the improvement of the levels of qualification among the population and the improvement of individuals’ employability. Qualifica centres, where adults can validate their competences, are key structures in the implementation of this programme.
The Institute for Employment and Vocational Training (Instituto do Emprego e Formação Profissional, IEFP) is responsible for managing public employment services, job centres and vocational training centres. IEFP aims to promote employment and combat unemployment through the implementation of active employment policies, including vocational training.
Work organisation
Work organisation underpins economic and business development and has important consequences for productivity, innovation and working conditions. Eurofound research finds that some types of work organisation are associated with a better quality of work and employment. Therefore, developing or introducing different forms of work organisation are of particular interest because of the expected effects on productivity, efficiency and competitiveness of companies, as well as on workers’ working conditions. Ongoing research by Eurofound, based on EurWORK, the European Working Conditions Survey and the European Company Survey, monitors developments in work organisation.
More information on:
For Portugal, the European Company Survey 2013 shows that between 2010 and 2013, 57% of establishments with 10 or more employees reported changes in the use of technology, 43% introduced changes in ways to coordinate and allocate the work to workers and another 20% saw changes in their working time arrangements.
Equality and non-discrimination at work
Equality between men and women is enshrined in the Portuguese Constitution, namely in the employment field.
Furthermore, specific legal provisions ensure equality and non-discrimination at work:
Additionally, on 5 December 2018, the Programme ‘3 Aligned – Programme for the Reconciliation of Professional, Private and Family Life 2018-2019’ was launched. This programme aims at promoting a better work–life balance as a condition for equality between men and women as well as for a full citizenship.
The national mechanism for the promotion of equality and non-discrimination between men and women in labour and employment is the Commission for Equality in Labour and Employment (Comissão para a Igualdade no Trabalho e no Emprego, CITE). Its main responsibilities are to promote equality and non-discrimination between women and men in labour, in employment and in vocational training; protection of parentality (maternity, paternity and adoption); and reconciliation of professional, personal and family life.
Although the promotion of equality and non-discrimination between men and women in labour and employment is not its main mission, the Commission for Citizenship and Gender Equality (Comissão para a Cidadania e a Igualdade de Género, CIG) also has competences at this level.
As provided for in Article 31 of the Labour Code, approved by Law 7/2009 of 12 February, women are entitled to receive equal pay for equal work or work of the same value as that performed by men. Nevertheless, a gender pay gap persists regarding both wages and earnings.
The gender pay gap has been decreasing. The gap in monthly remuneration decreased by 5.7% (from 15.8% in 2016 to 14.9% in 2017) and that in average monthly earnings decreased by 4.2% (from 19.1% in 2016 to 18.3% in 2017).
The gender pay gap has been addressed by several legislative support measures:
Law 62/2017 of 1 August establishes a minimum representation of women on executive company boards and surveillance boards in public companies and private listed companies. For public companies, the required minimum of female board members has been 33.3% since January 2018. For private listed companies, the set minimum has been 20% since 1 January 2018, but will rise to 33.3% from 1 January 2020.
Working life links
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