Publications

Agriculture remains an important part of the Dutch economy, accounting for
around 10% of GDP . The sector is currently undergoing major changes in terms
of production, markets and technology, with important implications for
employment. This article examines industrial relations in agriculture,
looking at the social partners, the unique system of bipartite 'commodity
boards', collective bargaining and the key issues of casual labour and health
and safety.

Foresight is an important tool in policy analysis, and encompasses a wide spectrum of methods and approaches. This handbook tackles the major questions that have to be considered in embarking upon knowledge society foresight. It does so largely in a question-and-answer format. The handbook is neither an essay on knowledge society foresight nor is it simply a toolkit of ways to think about long-term futures. It is a guide to foresight and to making decisions to undertake activity in the field. It is illustrated with some examples drawn from relevant activities around the world, while a series of annexes provide more discussion, essays and resource materials for those wishing to pursue matters more deeply.

In 1997, the European Council called for a high-level group to examine the economic and social implications of industrial change. With the full support of the European Parliament, Commission and social partners, it proposed the creation of the European Centre on Monitoring Change (EMCC) within the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. The EMCC’s mission is to cast a spotlight on the economic and social developments that drive change in the European economy. It highlights changes resulting from shifts in technology, work organisation, production and business models, legislation, working practices and the labour market. Using research and analysis, EMCC provides companies, the social partners, public authorities and European institutions with the data and qualitative information they need in order to manage the consequences of such change.

During recent years, two developments on the Bulgarian labour market have
caused particular concern among the authorities and social partners - the use
of hired labour without a signed employment contract, and the widespread
practice of employers paying social insurance contributions only on the basis
of the national minimum wage, rather than on employees' actual pay. The
present government has recently introduced two new inter-related measures -
both long demanded by trade unions - adding to the efforts of previous
governments to reduce the extent of these two problems. The National Council
for Tripartite Partnership (NCTP) has agreed these measures, which are:
mandatory registration of employment contracts with the National Social
Security Institute (NSSI); and the introduction of minimum social insurance
thresholds, higher than the national minimum wage and set at different levels
for the various economic sectors and the occupations.

The Act on Data Protection in Working Life [1] (477/2001) came into force on
1 October 2001 (FI0106191F [2]), governing the protection of personal data in
the employment context. However, it lacked clear rules in a number of areas,
such as employers’ rights to conduct drug tests on job applicants and
employees, use video surveillance at the workplace and open employees’
e-mails while they are absent. On the initiative of parliament, the Ministry
of Labour soon afterwards set up a working group to prepare proposals for
legislation in these areas. The group included members from the Ministry of
Social Affairs and Health, the Ministry of Transport and the Data Protection
Ombudsman (Tietosuojaviranomaiset), as well as representatives of trade
unions and employers’ organisations. It published its unanimous report on
26 June 2003.

[1] http://www.mol.fi/english/working/dataprotection.html
[2] www.eurofound.europa.eu/ef/observatories/eurwork/articles/undefined-working-conditions/act-on-protection-of-privacy-in-working-life-adopted

On 28 June 2003, the German Metalworkers' Union (Industriegewerkschaft
Metall, IG Metall) called off a four-week strike in the eastern German
metalworking industry, after failing in its attempts to negotiate a 35-hour
working week (down from the current 38 hours) with employers' associations,
amid widespread opposition to the action in the federal government, amongst
the general public and, indeed, in the union's ranks (DE0307204F [1]). IG
Metall's defeat has revived the debate on the future of collective bargaining
in Germany.

[1] www.eurofound.europa.eu/ef/observatories/eurwork/articles/ig-metall-suffers-defeat-over-35-hour-week-in-east-german-metalworking

The Austrian Trade Union Federation (Österreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund,
ÖGB) enjoys a de facto monopoly of trade union representation, and Austrian
trade unionism is thus characterised by a notably high degree of unity and
coherence. ÖGB is currently divided into 13 member unions which together
cover all branches of the economy. Their membership domains are, in general,
complementary, though not in the strict sense that only one union always
covers any given sector or company. In the private sector, six blue-collar
workers' unions and one white-collar union coexist. Furthermore, there are
two unions which represent both blue- and white-collar workers - in the arts,
media, sports and liberal professions and in the printing, journalism and
paper industry respectively. The pattern of union representation in the
public sector mirrors the structure of the employing public authorities.
Accordingly, there are separate unions for central and regional government
and for local government. Separate unions also exist for former public
enterprises - ie postal services and telecommunications companies and the
Austrian Federal Railways (Österreichische Bundesbahnen, ÖBB) - which are
undergoing a transition period due to liberalisation and privatisation.

On 28 June 2003, a dispute over the introduction of a 35-hour working week in
the eastern German metalworking industry ended when the German Metalworkers'
Union (Industriegewerkschaft Metall, IG Metall) called off a four-week after
negotiations finally broke down without any agreement being reached. The
negotiating parties on the employers' side were the federal employers'
association for the German metalworking and electrical industry,
Gesamtmetall, and two regional employers' associations for the metalworking
industry in the eastern states (Länder) of Berlin, Brandenburg and Saxony -
Verband der Metall- und Elektroindustrie in Berlin und Brandenburg (VME) and
Verband der Sächsischen Metall- und Elektroindustrie (VSME).

An agreement on the reform of pay and conditions of employment covering a
million National Health Service (NHS) staff was concluded at the end of 2002
(UK0303104F [1]), and ratified later in membership ballots held by trade
unions (UK0306103N [2]). Separate negotiations between the government health
departments, NHS employers and the British Medical Association (BMA) - a
powerful professional association and the main trade union for more than
100,000 doctors - proved to be more difficult. The negotiation and
ratification of new contracts for 43,000 local doctors (general practitioners
or GPs), and for 27,000 hospital consultants and specialist registrars,
exposed serious tensions within the BMA and in its relationship with
government ministers. This feature first explores the completed contract
negotiations for GPs. It then outlines the main elements of a tentative
agreement on a new contract for hospital consultants reached on 17 July. If
this is accepted in a ballot of BMA members in August, it will end the threat
of industrial action by hospital doctors.

[1] www.eurofound.europa.eu/ef/observatories/eurwork/articles/new-pay-system-planned-in-national-health-service
[2] www.eurofound.europa.eu/ef/observatories/eurwork/articles/national-health-service-pay-reforms-ratified-by-union-members

Although the Danish social partners have for many years sought to present
older workers as a vital resource for the labour market, describing them as
'the grey gold' (Det grå guld), new studies from the Confederation of Danish
Trade Unions (Landsorganisationen i Danmark, LO) and Danish Employers’
Confederation (Dansk Arbejdsgiverforening, DA) show that the older people are
when they become unemployed, the less is their likelihood of getting back
into employment. As many as 16.2% of people in the 53-57 age group who lost
their job before the end of 2000 were still unemployed two years later, while
the corresponding figure for the 30-39 age group was only 5.4%. While it
becomes increasingly difficult for all age groups to return to employment the
longer they are unemployed, the chance of finding a new job is much smaller
for peopled aged over 53 than for younger groups. Each time an unemployed
person aged 53 years or over celebrates his or her birthday, the risk of
ending up long-term unemployed increases by up to 50%. These figures come
from an LO report entitled /Focusing on employment/ (Øje på beskæftigelsen
[1]) which was published in May 2003 and are based on figures from the
Ministry of Employment.

[1] http://topmoede.dk/smmedia/OPB maj 2003 i PDF-format.PDF.PDF?mb_GUID=5B07F632-6EFD-41BA-A381-DB801D66A851.PDF